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ස්වාධීන මැතිවරණ කොමිසම මරා දැමීම
Victor Ivan
Ravaya
Ivan argues that neither government nor opposition wants an independent Elections Commission: the President withholds approval of the Constitutional Council's nominees and the Supreme Court declined to resolve the Elections Commissioner's petition about his personal liability. Further sections criticise a campaign to build up Justice Shirani Bandaranayake as a future
The editorial observes that the People's Alliance is preparing to test its strength in provincial council elections without the independent Elections Commission required by the 17th Amendment. The President unconstitutionally withholds approval of the Constitutional Council's nominees, while the government, the JVP and the Supreme Court have all failed to
A theoretical analysis, framed through the views of 'social democrats', of Sri Lanka's failure since 1948 to build a political structure acceptable to all groups. It identifies three conflicts, Sinhala versus Tamil nationality, minority rights and a struggle among power-holders, rejects the realpolitik maxim 'si vis pacem, para bellum', and
The editorial criticises the People's Alliance for rejecting parliamentary oversight committees that would give the opposition scrutiny of ministries, dismissing the claim that they would weaken the presidency. It calls for removing presidential immunity, the power to dissolve Parliament at will after a year and the right to hold unlimited
In this article, Victor Ivan analyzes the escalating power struggle between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Facing the end of her term and unable to contest the next presidential election, the President seeks to overhaul the executive presidency to secure her continued political dominance, potentially by aligning
After a bench headed by the Chief Justice rejected Tony Fernando's revision application against his one-year sentence for contempt, Ivan argues that the bench included judges Fernando had named as respondents, that the judgment identifies no contempt beyond raising his voice, and that it is Sarath N. Silva who belongs
Barred from a third term, Chandrika Kumaratunga now wants the executive presidency she once enjoyed reformed so she can keep her party leadership, while Ranil Wickremesinghe wants it untouched until he inherits it. Ivan traces her options, from a JVP alliance and a snap dissolution to a caretaker cabinet, and
With peace talks stalled over the LTTE's demand for an interim administration, Ivan argues that the Tigers may fairly be given absolute power over the overwhelmingly Tamil North, but not over the East, where 1981 census figures show Muslims and Sinhalese together make up 58.7 per cent. He sets out
Twenty years after Black July, the editorial calls it the most tragic event since independence, noting the involvement of sections of the ruling party, the President's failure to express regret and the constitutional amendment that drove Tamil MPs from Parliament. Citing Lee Kuan Yew's use of Sri Lanka as a
Continuing his survey, Ivan shows how constitutions and laws are made to suit rulers, from J.R. Jayewardene's 1977 amendment and Kumaratunga's 2000 bid to change the electoral system by buying MPs to the UNP's tax amnesty law challenged by Nihal Sri Ameresekere. He faults Attorneys General for serving governments, and
The editorial notes that the once-powerful campaign to abolish or reform the executive presidency, begun by N.M. Perera and carried forward by Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake, Chandrika Kumaratunga and the JVP, has fallen silent. With the President's second term ending in 2005 and the Prime Minister hoping to succeed her,
Ivan argues that the state needs reorganising not only to resolve the ethnic conflict but because the whole political system has collapsed. He examines Parliament, the world's costliest, whose members enjoy tax-free pay, pensions after five years, duty-free cars they resell illegally and subsidised meals, while its high posts and
PA members of the Southern Provincial Council are reported to be seeking pistols from the President. The editorial notes that Sri Lanka alone arms its legislators, a practice begun during the 1989–90 JVP insurrection and never stopped, and argues that it cheapens representative democracy and fuels violence and crime by
The state pays Rs 10 a day to keep each of the 9,500 children in 91 homes under the Probation and Child Care Department, and Rs 2.50 a day for children in the Salvation Army's care at Borella. The editorial contrasts this with the Rs 1.6 million daily cost of
The government lacks the constitutional power to grant the interim administration the LTTE demands, and the main parties' power struggle blocks consensus. The editorial proposes a two-year national government to agree a solution, negotiate with the LTTE and identify principles for a new constitution, followed by an election open to
Ivan asks why the LTTE demands an interim administration it knows the government cannot grant, and argues that it seeks recognition as an equal state, as it did when excluded from the Indo-Lanka Accord. He recalls that the Accord already conceded much the Sinhalese now resent, and that the JVP,
The ethnic conflict needs surgery, not plasters, the editorial argues. Since the New York pre-aid meeting, the LTTE has boycotted the Tokyo conference and rejected the Prime Minister's interim proposal as a renamed version of one it had already refused. Aid can only be used if trust is restored; granting
Despite the LTTE's absence, the Tokyo conference pledged $4.5 billion against the $3 billion sought, huge relative to government revenue, though much of it is loans and past aid use has been poor. The editorial finds the Prime Minister's vision attractive but says good governance must begin with an independent
Ivan mocks the daily broadcasting of the inauspicious direction and the superstition peddled by television and even the JVP-backed paper Lanka. He turns the President's lecture on the decline of politicians against her, tracing how every president since J.R. Jayewardene, including Premadasa, Wijetunga and Kumaratunga herself, used office for money
With the peace talks stalled, the editorial warns that mishandling could make the breakdown permanent and holds both the government and the President-led opposition responsible. Since war failed to subdue the LTTE's de facto state, it can only be absorbed by recognising its power within a federal arrangement it has
