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අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ හුස්ම හිරවීම
Victor Ivan
Ravaya
The President and two of the Bribery Commission's members oppose Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara's proposals to change the commission's membership. The editorial argues that filling independent commissions with retired judges and lawyers has failed and slights other professions, that both government and opposition want to control the commissions, and that
Ivan argues that anti-government and nationalist forces are converging: after the SLFP–JVP alliance talks collapsed, pro-alliance elements in the SLFP are pushing the President back towards the JVP, which now demands through Wimal Weerawansa that the SLFP drop devolution. He likens her position to her father's after the Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam pact,
Prompted by commemorations of J.R. Jayewardene, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Ivan sets out what makes a great leader and assesses every head of government since independence, from D.S. Senanayake to Chandrika Kumaratunga, finding none who qualifies. Contrasting Nehru, Mahathir Mohamad, Chandrababu Naidu and Lee Kuan Yew, who wrote books
In this article, Victor Ivan examines the volatile political maneuvering between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Driven by factions eager to topple the ruling government, efforts to form a JVP-SLFP alliance ultimately stalled due to President Chandrika Kumaratunga's reluctance to commit to a
Following underworld figure 'Bada Mahinda' Godage's confession to the CID, Ivan describes how Beddagane Sanjeewa, a presidential security officer blamed for Rohana Kumara's murder, was killed on the orders of Dhammika Amarasinghe, with Tilanga Sumathipala also accused. Drawing on personal encounters, he outlines a repression apparatus of security officers and
The editorial argues that the government's peace process is proceeding without any public debate on reforming the nature of the state, so that it appears to be merely a settlement of the Tamil problem. It lists wider failures, from a corrupt political system and judiciary to a preferential voting system
Replying to Ravaya's article of 7 September 2003, Chairman S. Ananda Coomaraswamy rejects the charge of partisanship, saying files on several senior ministers of the current government were also closed for lack of evidence, that the Mangala Samaraweera decision was unanimous and followed a lengthy inquiry, and that the Supreme
The piece notes a buoyant economy under the ceasefire, with the share index above its 1994 peak, rising investment, exports and tourism, and a peace process continuing without major bloodshed. Politics, however, is stagnant: the independent commissions are collapsing and the committee on the judiciary has not met. It warns
With the Police Commission collapsing after a member resigned in protest at another's conduct, the editorial argues that independent commissions succeed only if their members have the courage to resist political pressure, a quality the Constitutional Council ignored in favour of education and experience. It notes that the Elections Commission
Ivan argues that the President used alliance talks with the JVP to strengthen her own hand, while the JVP paid any price, even abandoning its opposition to the executive presidency, before realising it had been deceived. Contrasting the JVP's shallow leadership with the traditional Left, which taught the country democracy
Replying to a Divaina article that portrayed Public Trustee Sarath Seneviratne as a pious Buddhist targeted by a Christian conspiracy, the piece insists Ravaya is non-religious and recalls how Divaina and other media shielded Lenin Ratnayake and Wack Silva. It traces Seneviratne's career from a judicial inquiry at Gampaha to
The editorial blames the collapse of law-enforcement institutions for the rise of violent crime, noting that suspects flee abroad on bail, that people linked to the killing of Satana editor Rohana Kumara and to Kumar Ponnambalam's murder have fled or been mysteriously shot, and that Dhammika Amarasinghe, suspected of some
At a Transparency International seminar Ivan asked Bribery Commission chairman S. Ananda Coomaraswamy why the commission had cleared Mangala Samaraweera over a Rs. 500,000 credit card from a state body. He contrasts the commission with former commissioner Neelum Gamage, who resisted pressure from President Wijetunga over Wack Silva, and argues
In this article, Victor Ivan highlights the systemic political corruption in Sri Lanka and the ineffectiveness of the Commission of Inquiry into Bribery or Corruption. Recounting an exchange at a Transparency International seminar, Ivan criticizes the Commission's Chairman for protecting a former minister accused of misusing state funds via a
Writing in the first person, Ivan defends a view that angered Tamil intellectuals at a seminar: that the LTTE's demand for absolute power should be met but confined to Tamil areas. He argues that every violent movement ends by devouring its own dissenters, citing Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky and Bukharin, the
Ivan likens the judiciary to a cancer patient: the President planted the disease by appointing a corrupt Chief Justice and the present government has let it spread. Further sections mark Mark Fernando's early retirement and his rulings on presidential immunity, a petition by 22 professionals asking the Tyronne Fernando select
After the Central Bank cut its repurchase and reverse repurchase rates for the second time in the year, to 7.5 and 9.5 per cent, deposit rates have fallen sharply. The editorial accepts that lower rates may help the economy but argues that the government should give retirees living on savings
Mangala Samaraweera's call to abolish the executive presidency, Ivan argues, reflects the SLFP's real aim of making Chandrika Kumaratunga an executive prime minister after her term ends, just as Ranil Wickremesinghe wants the presidency intact for himself. Further sections cover the Elections Commissioner's criticism of the hastily passed 17th Amendment
Ivan weighs the President's plan to test her strength in early provincial elections, comparing the 2001 parliamentary results with the later local government polls, in which the JVP fell from about a million votes to under 600,000. Recalling vote-rigging by the UNP from 1977 to 1994, the 1982 referendum and
The editorial calls the Public Trustee, a former judicial officer close to the Chief Justice, a 'respectable crook' who placed Rs. 131.2 million of trust funds, including Rs. 18.1 million belonging to the Temple of the Tooth, in a bank and pocketed a commission of about Rs. 1.9 million. It
