ප්‍රඥාවෙන් ප්‍රශ්න බේරාගමු
අප රටක් වශයෙන් සිටින්නේ තීරණාත්මක තැනකය. එල්ටීටීඊය ආරක්ෂක පවුරක් කරගෙන සිටින සිවිල් ජනයාට බරපතළ හානියක් ඇති නොවන ලෙස එම ජනතාව අතර සැඟවී සිටින එල්ටීටීඊ නායකයන් හා කාර්යධරයන් යටත් කරගැනීම හෝ විනාශ කිරීම සිදුවන්නේ කෙසේද යන සංකීර්ණ ප්‍රශ්න කෙරෙහි ලෝක අවධානය යොමුවී තිබේ. ඒ ගැන ලෝක මට්ටමෙන් කෙරෙන වාද විවාද ඇති අතර, ලෝකයේ පවතින එම උද්වේගකර […]
වර්ග සංහාර භාෂණය ගැන වැඩිදුරටත්
Ivan returns to Bhashana, who reads the war as a long-planned extermination on the model of
Hitler’s and Rwanda’s, and notes that in all his writing since leaving the JVP for the
LTTE’s cause there is not one criticism of the LTTE. He sets the 730 days of Wijeweera’s
rebellion, fought with primitive weapons, against the 1,095 days of Prabhakaran’s, fought
with modern ones, and invites Bhashana to do the arithmetic of the dead himself.
යුද්ධයෙන් ජයගැනීම හා ප්‍රචාරක යුද්ධයෙන් පරාජය වීම
The government won the war for territory and lost the argument about how it ended. Ivan
credits it with everything the military victory required — rebuilding the forces’ morale,
ending the factionalism among them, holding to the decision under international pressure —
and finds the same government without a case it could put to the world, when the strongest
argument was available to it: that letting a movement succeed by holding hundreds of
thousands hostage teaches the lesson to every other city.
ගියරය වෙනස් කිරීමට කාලය පැමිණ තිබේ
The war for territory is won, and Ivan argues the country must now change the voice it
speaks in. A degree of defiance suited a government fighting against international
obstruction; facing a humanitarian problem of this size and needing the aid to solve it, the
same tone will not do. There is nothing here to hide, and the way to more help is patient
listening and patient explanation.
ආවේගයෙන් ක්‍රියාකිරීම අත්හැරිය යුතුය
With six square kilometres left and under one per cent of the objective outstanding, Ivan
argues there is no case for haste. The decision to stop air and artillery attacks and free
the remaining civilians with light weapons is the right one and should not be misread as
abandoning the operation; and with an Indian election under way and the reconstruction bill
to be met from abroad, the country should be opening doors rather than closing them.
ඇත්ත ඇති සැටියෙන් දැකීම
Ivan answers two replies to his article on the genocide claim, apologises for having left a
professor unnamed, and turns to what international law actually says: who counts as a
combatant, what carpet bombing forbids, which three rights survive an emergency, and what
the International Criminal Court could and could not be asked to do. He closes on a
comparison few make — the caste composition of those killed by Wijeweera’s followers and by
Prabhakaran’s, and of those killed by the forces suppressing both.
මහින්ද කොයිබටද?
Whether by luck, practical sense or sheer resolve, Ivan writes, Mahinda Rajapaksa will enter
history as the leader who turned modern Sri Lankan politics. But defeating Prabhakaran
militarily is not enough: he must be defeated politically as well, which means bringing the
country’s Tamils to accept that life within the Sri Lankan state is better and fairer than
life in his separate one. A great leader is not satisfied with half a greatness.
දෙමළ ප්‍රශ්නය ජයගැනීම
The price of defeating the LTTE is not yet countable, Ivan writes, but the harder question
is what follows: how to heal a community that has paid an enormous forfeit and now carries a
defeated mind. The Tamils hold an old language and an old civilisation, and cannot be
governed by force against their will; the road out begins when Sinhalese hearts set down the
victor’s pride.
දෙමළ කැරැල්ලක් ආවේ ඇයි? සිංහලයින් ද ආපසු හැරී බැලිය යුතුය
Having asked where the Tamil struggle went wrong, Ivan turns the question on his own
community. He puts the direct cost of the war to 1998 alone at 423 billion rupees and traces
the language question from the cross-party agreement of the early fifties — broken when Sir
John Kotelawala promised parity in Jaffna and the backlash swept both major parties into
Sinhala Only — through Bandaranaike’s twenty-four-hour pledge, the fast of F.R. Jayasuriya,
the unimplemented Tamil Language Act and standardisation.
දෙමළ හදවත්වල ඇති තුවාල සුව කිරීම
The war is over and what it has left is harder than what it settled: one community in the
country now feels itself defeated, and the Tamil diaspora with it. Ivan points to the
Khalistan insurgency, put down in the mid-eighties and followed quickly enough by political
redress that a Sikh is now prime minister of India, and to the rebuilding of German and
Japanese self-respect after 1945. He sets out what can be done at once without new
legislation, and what the camps will require.