අලුත් හෙට දිනක්
The piece argues that the crisis can only end well through an all-party government focused on essential reforms, which the government’s rejection has made the basis of the no-confidence motion. It asks the main opposition to set out clearly the nature of the government it would form, how the presidency would be reformed, what beyond five independent commissions it proposes, how it would settle the war, how power would be shared and for how long, since such a chance may not recur.
ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදී ප්රතිසංස්කරණ සඳහා සර්ව පාක්ෂික ආණ්ඩුවක්
The PA is close to collapse: SLFP factions are feuding, most of the SLMC and NUA are drifting away, and S.B. Dissanayake has demanded the President give up the Finance Ministry while promoting a national government under Ratnasiri Wickremanayake. The editorial notes the UNP deal with Rauff Hakeem, the no-confidence motion against Mahipala Herath and the stay on impeachment, and urges an all-party interim government to enact reforms rather than a UNP-dominated one.
උසස් තනතුරුවලට පුද්ගලයන් පත් කිරීම
The Sarath N. Silva crisis shows the need for a system that prevents unsuitable appointments to posts such as Chief Justice. The editorial contrasts US Senate scrutiny of judicial nominees and South Africa’s constitutional body that shortlists three names, says the President appointed a man about to be disbarred in order to control the courts, and calls for his removal and for the proposed independent judicial commission to be enacted.
කුණාටුව තවමත් අවසන් වී නැත
Ivan argues that the UNP revolt, though it did not unseat Ranil Wickremesinghe, curbed his autocratic leadership, raised internal democracy and forced him to promise to step aside if he obstructed an all-party government. Neither the PA nor the JVP wanted a change of UNP leader. With no outside support and a slender majority, the government could fall on a handful of defections, and Parliament, which controls law and money, could then reform the whole system.
සාම කතා ඇරඹීම
Peace talks with the LTTE are due in early May, driven by international pressure after foreign help stopped the Tigers taking Jaffna. Ivan argues that the LTTE now knows Eelam will not be accepted and has softened its claim to be the sole representative of Tamils, but doubts the government’s maturity: it lacks an opposition consensus, a secure majority and internal unity. He urges state reform, accountability of the presidency and the independent commissions as the basis for consensus.
බල තරගයේ වෛර සාධකය ඉවත් කිරීම
Mutual hatred and fear of reprisal stop parties from agreeing on national problems. The editorial reports the Alliance for Democracy’s all-party meeting in Parliament on its eleven-point reform programme, attended by Mahinda Rajapaksa, Rauff Hakeem, the UNP, JVP, TULF, TELO and Tamil Congress, where all agreed that the presidency should answer to Parliament and the courts, backed independent commissions, and favoured holding presidential and parliamentary elections together.
Democratising a rotten system
The political system has fallen so low that reforms are now demanded not only by political parties but by civic organisations. What is on the table — the commissions, the media provisions, the end of the rule that costs an expelled member his seat — and what it would take to get agreement on it.
රාජ්ය ප්රජාතන්ත්රීය කිරීම
Ivan surveys reform proposals from parties and civil society: the UNP’s four independent commissions, the JVP’s call to abolish the executive presidency and for a state media commission, and the Alliance for Democracy’s conditions for reforming the presidency, on dissolution, appointing the Prime Minister and Cabinet, expulsion of MPs and emergency powers. He adds the Editors’ Guild proposals on criminal defamation, freedom of information and an independent Press Council, citing Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe’s dual roles.
යෝජිත නීති ප්රතිසංස්කරණ මහජනතාවට රහසක් කොට තබාගන්නේ ඇයි?
The government is reforming the whole legal system with a Rs. 1,400 million World Bank loan, but without telling the public or Parliament which laws are involved. The piece argues that the reforms serve business interests while ignoring workers, farmers, fundamental rights and good governance, and asks why the four independent commissions, repeal of criminal defamation and a right to information are left out.
තොරතුරු ලබාගැනීමේ අයිතිය රාජ්ය පාලනය විවෘත කිරීමට හේතු වේ
Welcoming the UNP’s acceptance of the professionals’ draft for four independent commissions, the editorial backs the Editors’ Guild draft on freedom of information, Article 19’s campaign and the Democratic Alliance’s twelve demands. It traces unfulfilled pledges from the Premadasa era and the R.K.W. Goonesekere committee, and argues that a right to information would curb secret privatisation deals such as Air Lanka’s, empower villagers, and force the Auditor General, Elections Commissioner and tax authorities to do their duty.