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What happened to the Wayamba Election?
Victor Ivan
The Sunday Times
All the Wayamba election petitions were dismissed at the stage of preliminary objections, on the ground that they had not specified how the corruption, the intimidation and the prevention of voting had affected the result. What the petitions actually contained, station by station, is set out here.
The editorial says Sri Lanka's crisis is one of conscience. Intellectuals who spoke out under Jayewardene and Premadasa are now silent or defend injustice, and the Civil Rights Movement founded by S. Nadesan fell silent over the North Western provincial poll, as have peace, rights, professional and religious bodies and
Despite the President's assurance, Ivan says the government still hopes to extend Parliament's term, a practice begun with the 1972 constitution and taken further by J.R. Jayewardene in 1982. He calls on the government to hold the election under an independent elections commission and to accept the European Union's offer
Ivan details the political crime network behind the killings of Satana editor Rohana Kumara and Kumar Ponnambalam: gunman 'Moratuwa Saman', associates sheltered by a cabinet minister's residence and an Urban Development Authority flat, and links to Beddagane Sanjeewa of the Presidential Security Division. He describes police interference, the reversal by
What Sri Lanka faces is a crisis of conscience. The things that separate a man from an animal are the ability to think independently and the conscience — and the organisations that exist to exercise both have gone quiet at exactly the moments they were needed.
The editorial recalls that Ravaya named the criminal 'Moratuwa Saman', arrested on 6 April, as Kumar Ponnambalam's killer and linked a reserve police constable holding the victim's phone. Senior police officer Bandula Wickramasinghe first blamed the LTTE and now says the constable ordered the killing, apparently to close the case.
Ivan argues that dealing with Prabhakaran requires first arresting the decay of the whole political system. Public trust in leaders and institutions has collapsed, the executive has captured legislative and judicial power, and even the Elections Commissioner and Auditor General fail in their duties, as the unauthorised gas company compensation
An answer to the problem of Prabhakaran can be found only if the collapse running through the whole political system can be stopped and the country's political spirit revived by a successful reform. The threat named in the headline is not the one the country talks about.
Ivan welcomes the attention foreign powers are paying to the government's anti-democratic conduct as well as to the LTTE. He argues that the northern conflict is part of Sri Lanka's democratic crisis and that southern rulers, though elected, rule partly by terror. He proposes third-party-guided talks, an all-party agreement on
Ravaya received the Editors' Guild's Sepala Gunasena award for defending judicial independence. Ivan recounts the background: his and W.A.B. Jayasekera's petitions to disbar Attorney General Sarath N. Silva, Ravaya's exposure of magistrate Lenin Ratnayake and district judge Upali Abeyratne, the Bar Association's call for inquiries that found both guilty, the
The ban on meetings and demonstrations has been lifted, and so has the censorship of foreign news — but publishing in the local media what the foreign media print about the war is still forbidden. The world outside has been given the right to know the truth about the war
Ivan cites cases showing the judiciary's decline: a Galle magistrate interdicted for fraud, judges accused of sexual abuse, a district judge found biased in a case against the head of the Court of Appeal, and a Chief Justice appointed while facing disbarment petitions. He explains the separation of powers, recalls
External powers and internal undemocratic activities
Victor Ivan
The Sunday Times
It is welcome that the external powers interested in a solution are looking past Prabhakaran's extremism to the anti-democratic conduct of the Chandrika government. The American Deputy Secretary of State has gone beyond refusing to recognise an Eelam state to saying his government wants free and fair elections and protected
Ivan argues that freedom of expression is the gateway to democracy and that modern practice allows only narrow, court-imposed limits for national security. He criticises emergency regulations used to seal the Jaffna paper Uthayan and the Leader group, including Irida Peramuna for a story it never carried, for six months
The editorial argues that a crisis threatening the country's survival demands that opposition parties share in decisions, not merely be briefed as at the 15 May all-party meeting. It calls for a temporary all-party administration, criticises concealment of events in the North, and notes the double standard by which cartoons
Ivan expects the government to try to avoid the parliamentary election due by October, fearing defeat after setbacks in the North. With many MPs unsure of renomination, he sets out the seat numbers and shows it would need only 19 opposition votes for a two-thirds majority to extend Parliament through
Ivan argues that India, itself a party to the crisis, cannot really resolve it. He traces the conflict to Sinhala Only under S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and university standardisation, and to India's training and arming of Tamil militants in reaction to J.R. Jayewardene's policies, which Indira Gandhi failed to see would cost
India has said it is ready to intervene as a third party if both sides ask. Both sides have stayed silent; only some of the bhikkhus who once rose against the Indo-Lanka Pact, and the leader of the opposition, have answered favourably. Whether India can be a genuine helper is
The editorial contrasts the army spokesman's claim that only 72 soldiers died at Elephant Pass with the Deputy Defence Minister's later figures of 358 killed, 346 missing and 2,568 wounded. It argues that hiding the truth during a national crisis is dangerous in a modern society where information cannot be
Ivan assesses India's offer to mediate if both sides ask, after it refused the President's request for air support. India distrusts the Norwegian process, dislikes Pakistani and Israeli involvement, and will not allow outside powers to crush the LTTE, yet even its intervention seems unlikely to bring a solution before
