Dive into an archive of over 5,000+ published articles…
Archives: Articles
යළි මරණ බිය රජ කරන යුගයක්
Victor Ivan
Ravaya
Ivan rejects the government's explanation of the attacks on Rookantha Gunathilake, Chandralekha Perera and Anoja Weerasinghe as robbery or private feud, comparing the haircutting to the abduction of Lakbima's Sri Lal Priyantha and recalling unsolved attacks on photographers, Sarath Kongahage and Lasantha Wickrematunge and the murders of Rohana Kumara and
The government called the harassment of the singers Rukantha Gunatilaka and Chandralekha Perera a robbery, and the levelling of Anoja Weerasinghe's house at Moneragala a personal grudge. Set those explanations beside each other, Ivan argues, and a pattern appears that the country has seen before.
Written in Ivan's own voice, the piece answers the sustained attacks on him and Ravaya by state media and government-funded 'jungle papers'. He describes how Bennet Rupasinghe and Sujeewa Dissanayake won editorships at Dinamina and Silumina by serving their political master, the minister's contemptuous nicknames for them, and a former
Ivan defends Ravaya's critical stance before the presidential election. He explains that the paper promoted Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1992–94 for her reform programme, which she never implemented, and rejects her claim to have ended the fear of death and granted media freedom, recalling how Ravaya defied J.R. Jayewardene and Ranasinghe
After the presidential election thugs burned down the house of actress Anoja Weerasinghe for campaigning for the UNP, and later raided the Mattegoda home of singers Rookantha and Chandralekha, holding a pistol to Rookantha's mouth, cutting the couple's hair and robbing them. Threats have also reached Dharmasiri Bandaranayake and Upulshantha
The government will not get a two-thirds majority at a parliamentary election. It can reach the number only by enacting a law that permits crossovers and then holding a referendum — which is precisely what was done once before, and this column is about what that cost.
Ranil Wickremesinghe has signalled, if awkwardly, that the UNP will not block the People's Alliance draft constitution, a 'googly' to the President. Ivan explains that the draft would force her to give up an executive presidency that answers to neither Parliament nor the courts for a premiership open to criticism
The editorial notes that armed ballot-stuffing began under the UNP with the Jaffna Development Council poll, while elections from 1991 to 1994 were free and fair. The People's Alliance promised to empower the Elections Commissioner but has presided over corrupt polls, notably the 1999 North Western provincial election, and never
Ivan disputes the President's claim in her 3 January address that her father owned about 4,000 acres and sold 2,000 for politics. Tracing the Bandaranaike mudaliyar line, the colonial land grants of 1815 and 1818, and figures from Patrick Peebles and the 1927 Ferguson's Directory, he shows Sir Solomon Dias
The opposition leader's statement is complicated, but what it says is that despite its reservations his party will not obstruct the draft constitution if the government thinks it has no other course. Whether that is a concession or a googly is the question the column turns on.
Ivan finds the government trapped after its presidential win. S.B. Dissanayake has become one of the few steering the state, while Sarath Amunugama has displaced Mangala Samaraweera on media and failed to deliver UNP defectors. Party-crossing and a referendum to extend Parliament's term are both fraught, the President's health raises
The editorial says no government has been as hostile to media freedom as the present one, which claims to have granted that freedom. It recalls that Ravaya exposed bank frauds, land grabs and the Airbus deal under Jayewardene and Premadasa, and that Premadasa even appointed a committee on its land
Ivan pays tribute to Kumar Ponnambalam as the boldest political commentator in the country, killed before his reply to the President's warning to Tamils in Colombo could be published. He questions the shadowy 'National Front Against Tigers' that claimed the murder, likening it to the state-created death squads of the
Kumar Ponnambalam was the most courageous of Sri Lanka's political commentators. He lived in Colombo among Sinhala people, most of his associates were Sinhala, and knowing exactly what it cost to defend the LTTE from Colombo he went on saying what he thought, fearlessly and well.
Ivan says the People's Alliance, instead of tackling the problems it promised to solve quickly, is busy attacking opponents. The new constitution has gone quiet, there is no clear approach to ending the war within a year, and the President's three-hour address contradicted her conciliatory inauguration speech. He urges calm
There are occasions when a foolish friend can be more dangerous than a vicious enemy. The longest piece in the archive: Ivan's point-by-point answer to the account the President gave of him in a televised interview, setting out what actually passed between them from the founding of Ravaya onwards.
Ivan recalls that Chandrika Kumaratunga promised at every rally to tear up J.R. Jayewardene's constitution and enact the People's Alliance draft. He traces the demand to abolish the executive presidency from the Premadasa impeachment and the SLFP's 1988 and 1994 manifestos, notes the government's silence since winning, and argues that
After the presidential election the editorial finds the way ahead unclear. It asks whether the President's call to the UNP means a genuine national government or a ploy to isolate Ranil Wickremesinghe, doubts that the promised new constitution and package can pass with anti-package figures in the alliance, and notes
Ivan answers S.B. Dissanayake, who on television called him an extortionist working for an alleged arms dealer, Ananda Chittampalam, to bring Ranil Wickremesinghe to power. Ivan phoned into a live programme to question him, recounts his past association with Chittampalam, Harry Goonatilleke and Anuruddha Ratwatte in the 1988 campaign, and
Chandrika Kumaratunga's win was not a clean victory in the full sense, and the abuses were not so great as to make one regret it. They did occur — in Hanguranketha, Wattegama, Wariyapola, Dambulla. What she does now is the question.
