අධිකරණයේ දේශපාලනය
Taking up newly appointed Supreme Court judge C.V. Wigneswaran’s remark that promotions depend on executive favour, Ivan argues that the executive has captured the judiciary. He lists cases in which the Chief Justice sat on politically sensitive petitions and ruled for the government: Karu Jayasuriya’s election-time petitions against Lake House and ITN, the 17th Amendment hearing, appointments cases, a GMOA doctor’s petition, railway strike-breaking, and a Vavuniya torture victim awarded only Rs. 15,000.
බියගැන්වීමේ දේශපාලනය
A severed head and hand from a corpse were delivered to the homes of UNP MP Ravi Karunanayake’s wife and mother, an evident warning to an active opposition politician. The piece notes that the police have not traced the body, likely taken from a morgue, recalls how political interference stalled the Rohana Kumara, Kumar Ponnambalam and Nimalarajan murder inquiries, and says intimidation is as brutal as killing and incompatible with democracy.
නපුර ජයගැනීම
Sri Lanka signed the UN Convention against Torture and passed a torture law in 1994, yet political torture has grown. Ivan cites the case of beautician Ivan Turner, detained as an alleged LTTE suspect and humiliated by senior police officer Bandula Wickremasinghe, whose only punishment was a transfer. Borrowing Bishop Frank Marcus’s phrase ‘evil rule’, he argues that Kumaratunga, like Jayewardene and Premadasa, rules through partisanship, and that only democratic reform can end it or allow the ethnic question to be seen democratically.
කමල් අද්දරආරච්චි, රාවය හා කාන්තා ඉරණම
Ivan recounts Ravaya’s campaign after a magistrate who knew actor Kamal Addararachchi discharged him of raping a schoolgirl; the magistrate left for Australia and Kamal was indicted and sentenced by Shiranee Tilakawardane to ten years. The Court of Appeal has now acquitted him while calling his conduct ungentlemanly. Ivan argues that poor young women rarely get justice, citing a girl abused by a former police chief, a child-sex racket at a Beruwala children’s home that led to a defamation case against Ravaya, and Lenin Ratnayake, sent on paid leave.
රට යමින් තිබෙන්නේ ම්ලේච්ඡත්වයටද
Ivan says the killing of Tamil detainees at a rehabilitation camp near Bandarawela presents a savage image to the country and the world, since the state is responsible for those in its custody. Recalling the two Welikada prison massacres of 1983, he notes that in a Western country the whole government would resign, warns that answering Prabhakaran’s brutality with equal brutality invites a new cycle of violence, and calls for an impartial inquiry and prosecution of those responsible.
රෝහණ කුමාර ඝාතනය ෂෝ වික්රමසිංහ
Ivan describes a meeting he, Lasantha Wickrematunge, Varuna Karunatilake and Ravaya’s Chapa Bandara had with CID director Bandula ‘Shaw’ Wickramasinghe over the Rohana Kumara murder. The talk ended when they showed that suspect Thara Ajith was arrested at the home of Presidential Security Division man Beddagane Sanjeewa. Ivan argues the confessions of Thara Ajith and Moratuwa Saman are designed to shield the government before the election.
අවසානයක් නොදුටු ඝාතන සංස්කෘතිය
Ivan details the political crime network behind the killings of Satana editor Rohana Kumara and Kumar Ponnambalam: gunman ‘Moratuwa Saman’, associates sheltered by a cabinet minister’s residence and an Urban Development Authority flat, and links to Beddagane Sanjeewa of the Presidential Security Division. He describes police interference, the reversal by investigator Shaw Wickramasinghe, a failed first attempt on Rohana Kumara, and the car and pistol used, concluding that small-scale state-backed killing continues.
හෘද සාක්ෂියක් නැති සමාජයක්
The editorial says Sri Lanka’s crisis is one of conscience. Intellectuals who spoke out under Jayewardene and Premadasa are now silent or defend injustice, and the Civil Rights Movement founded by S. Nadesan fell silent over the North Western provincial poll, as have peace, rights, professional and religious bodies and the Bar Association. It lists basic wrongs, from extending Parliament to judicial interference, that organised society should publicly oppose.
පොන්නම්බලම් ඝාතනයේ ඇත්ත යටපත් වීමට ඉඩ නොතැබිය යුතුය
The editorial recalls that Ravaya named the criminal ‘Moratuwa Saman’, arrested on 6 April, as Kumar Ponnambalam’s killer and linked a reserve police constable holding the victim’s phone. Senior police officer Bandula Wickramasinghe first blamed the LTTE and now says the constable ordered the killing, apparently to close the case. It demands that police identify the political hand behind the murder and the Rohana Kumara killing.
ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදයට සීල් තැබීම
Ivan argues that freedom of expression is the gateway to democracy and that modern practice allows only narrow, court-imposed limits for national security. He criticises emergency regulations used to seal the Jaffna paper Uthayan and the Leader group, including Irida Peramuna for a story it never carried, for six months though emergency powers lapse monthly. He places this beside earlier sealings of Aththa, Davasa and Eelanadu and ties it to plans to extend Parliament.