Where the LTTE Went Wrong
Ivan argues that the LTTE, like the JVP in 1989, failed to trade armed struggle for politics when it held the advantage, and helped elect the government now bent on crushing it. He compares Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s role against the LTTE to the ruthless suppression of the second JVP uprising and concludes that armed struggle brings only blood and destruction.
ටෝනි නිදහස ලැබීම
Tony Fernando has been freed after serving the one-year sentence for contempt imposed by a bench headed by the Chief Justice, telling supporters his only offence was reading a constitutional provision in court. Ivan alleges the Chief Justice orchestrated the assault on him in prison. Further sections report Param Cumaraswamy’s Colombo lectures criticising the Bar Association under Ananda Wijesekera, a Dinakara article defending the Chief Justice by Nelson Perera, and new evidence of Tilanga Sumathipala’s links with Dhammika Amarasinghe.
අපරාධකරුවන් රජ කරන රටක්
The editorial blames the collapse of law-enforcement institutions for the rise of violent crime, noting that suspects flee abroad on bail, that people linked to the killing of Satana editor Rohana Kumara and to Kumar Ponnambalam’s murder have fled or been mysteriously shot, and that Dhammika Amarasinghe, suspected of some 50 killings, enjoys freedom and a mobile phone in remand. It argues that human rights laws were introduced without modern investigative methods, leaving police lax, and calls on the Interior Minister to act.
හිරේ සිටිය යුත්තේ කව්ද?
After a bench headed by the Chief Justice rejected Tony Fernando’s revision application against his one-year sentence for contempt, Ivan argues that the bench included judges Fernando had named as respondents, that the judgment identifies no contempt beyond raising his voice, and that it is Sarath N. Silva who belongs in prison. Further sections contrast the Constitutional Council’s published character criteria, drafted by H.L. de Silva, with the Chief Justice’s conduct and criticise delays in appointing the Judicial Service Commission.
ආචාර්ය ගාමිණී කොරෙයා නිවාස අඩස්සියේ තැබීම
The editorial describes Dr Gamani Corea, former UNCTAD head and Sri Lanka’s most internationally respected intellectual, as effectively held under house arrest by a wealthy relative, identified in the allegation as Lalith Kotelawala, who is said to fear that Corea will leave his assets to a planned economics foundation. It condemns the local media’s silence out of dependence on his advertising, noting that Ravaya too receives it, and that the story reached the world through the Lanka Academic website.
නීතියේ පාලනය ඔලුවෙන් සිටුවීම
Eighty days after Tony Fernando was jailed, the Bar Association has done nothing despite Param Cumaraswamy’s appeal, though his case was raised at the UN Commission on Human Rights in Geneva and the Asian Human Rights Commission’s petition has gathered over 3,000 signatures. Ivan argues that the President cannot act because she appointed Sarath N. Silva to control the Supreme Court, and that responsibility therefore falls on the Prime Minister and Cabinet.
කෙළෙහි ගුණ දැක්වීම
Ivan notes that the President was met in London by Ronnie Peiris, who had helped her in exile after Vijaya Kumaratunga’s murder and has since grown rich, and says the UNP’s promised inquiries into such figures have gone quiet. Further sections note that she named Sarath N. Silva as a drafter of her constitution though he sat on the bench reviewing it, praise Anton Balasingham’s endorsement of Neelan Tiruchelvam’s 1996 devolution plan, and ask why no one has sought Tony Fernando’s release.
වඳින්න ගිය දේවාලය හිසේ කඩා වැටීම
The editorial protests that the Supreme Court sentenced a fundamental rights petitioner, an English teacher with a heart condition, to a year in prison for contempt without charge, legal advice or a chance to defend himself, on a bench that included the Chief Justice, a respondent in the case. It condemns the silence of the media, human rights groups and the legal community while international bodies react with shock.
බන්ධනාගාර වර්ජනයේ අරමුණ කුමක් ද?
The government has left Emmanuel Fernando in prison despite international calls for his release, though the Cabinet could ask the President to pardon him. The editorial suggests the Welikada jailers’ strike over the remand of two officers accused of beating him was instigated from above, notes his account of being assaulted by a plain-clothes officer and medical evidence of injury, and warns that ignoring problems centred on the Chief Justice will cost the government dearly.
ටෝනිට සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද
Ivan traces Tony Fernando’s long search for redress after his employer refused to meet his private hospital bills following a workplace accident, through the Labour Commissioner, Human Rights Commission, Ombudsman, Speaker and Supreme Court, until the Chief Justice jailed him for a year for contempt and he was beaten in prison. He argues that Sarath N. Silva has placed close associates at the head of every institution of redress, including the human rights and bribery commissions, the Public Trustee and the prisons, forming an octopus-like net.