යක්ෂයා පලවා හැරීම
For a decade there have been attempts inside the UNP to remove Ranil Wickremesinghe and change the leadership, and he has defeated every one of them and kept his place. The leader of the recent revolt was Sajith Premadasa, and though the popular belief was that he would win, Ranil won again — and Sajith does not appear to have finished his fight.
අධිකරණය ජනමාධ්ය හා සමාජ-දේශපාලන යථාර්ථය
Uvindu Kurukulasuriya, once a freelance writer for Ravaya, questioned Ivan’s present silence on the burning questions of the judiciary in an article for the Sunday Leader on the 17th. He opened with something that interests the public: that the president, minister Basil Rajapaksa and the prime minister attended a reception at the home of Saliya Hettige on his appointment to the Supreme Court.
මැතිවරණයෙන් ඉදිරියට
The results of the elections for 65 local bodies show that no decline or collapse has yet happened in public confidence in the Rajapaksa coalition government. With the faults and weaknesses of its administration plainly visible, the public have still chosen, among the alternatives open to them, the one that approves it.
අර්බුදය ඓතිහාසික දෘෂ්ටියකින් දැකීම
Political outlook is an important factor in whether political struggles bear fruit. Ivan is not a Marxist, and he accepts the idea that theory guides practice: there are political struggles in this country and they happen without a meaningful forward vision, and that is why the fighters have become people running on the spot.
පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ බලය සීමා කර ගැනීම
When the JVP member Anura Kumara Dissanayake tried to make a statement in parliament about the hedging agreement, the government whip’s objection turned it into a point of order for the Speaker to rule on. Ivan answers it with a precedent: the debate in the State Council, at the end of 1938 or the beginning of 1939, over a worker named Govinda shot dead by police during a strike at Mul Oya estate in Hewaheta.
හෘදය සාක්ෂියේ වික්ෂෝභය (3)
What Ivan sets out to analyse here is the moral crisis facing a society that has to live crushed between the two naked powers of an armed struggle for state power, when both sides stand level with each other — and specifically how that worked on the Sinhala society of the south during the JVP’s second insurrection.
හෙජින් විනාශයට වගකිවයුත්තේ කවුද?
The British commercial high court has ruled that the Petroleum Corporation must pay Standard Chartered the 162 million dollars due under the hedging agreement, with interest. The bank went to that court rather than to an arbitration panel, probably meaning the judgment to affect the other banks party to the agreement as well.
ඝාතන සංස්කෘතියේ අත්තිවාරම්
The article opens by correcting two printing errors in the first part, published in the previous issue: Che, not ‘me’, was killed after being taken into custody, and the number of LTTE cadres in detention should have read more than ten thousand rather than more than a thousand. What follows is an anatomy of how a culture of killing was built.
යුද්ධයෙන් ජයගෙන ප්රචාරණ යුද්ධයෙන් පරාජය වීම
The government won its war against Prabhakaran in an astonishing way. What it failed to do was to understand in advance that after that victory it would have to fight a more complicated propaganda war against the diaspora friendly to him, and that failing in that war could cost it everything the fighting had won.
කෙළවර කුමක්ද?
Sri Lanka appears to be tangling its problems further instead of settling them. It was the support of neighbouring India that let the war against Prabhakaran be carried to victory over the obstruction of the Western powers, and in return Sri Lanka appears to have given India various promises — chief among them the assurance that the 13th amendment would be implemented after the war.