බලපොරයේ අවසානය කුමක් ද?
Voters face a third parliamentary election in four years, called not because Parliament’s term ended or the government lost its majority but because of a power struggle. The editorial argues that the conditions for a peaceful, civilised election could have been met first, and questions the practice of handing ministries across the party divide.
රනිල් වික්රමසිංහට වැරදුණේ කොතැන ද?
The President’s takeover of three ministries and dissolution of Parliament were undemocratic and arbitrary, but Ranil Wickremesinghe’s handling of the crisis was not strong either. Ivan weighs the Prime Minister’s record, including his peace initiative, and asks whether he will now fight the system itself or simply try to oust her.
ලොකු බණ්ඩාර න්යාය
Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara has announced that a public officer facing bribery charges need not be suspended. The note shows that the Establishments Code says the opposite, and that the minister’s ‘doctrine’ was invented to protect the Public Trustee.
අධිකරණයේ කුණුවීමට වගකිවයුත්තේ කවුද?
The Thilanga Sumathipala affair, in which a magistrate heard his case on a Poya holiday and acquitted him, shows how corrupt the justice system has become. The editorial holds the Chief Justice, himself facing impeachment motions, chiefly responsible, and blames every party, the JVP included, for letting Parliament look away.
සන්ධානය කොයිබට ද?
The JVP–SLFP alliance, formed after the President took over three ministries, has not inspired the public. The editorial finds mistrust built into the pact, notes that the JVP’s clean personal habits are shared by the LTTE and prove nothing about respect for life, and argues that an immediate dissolution and election would at least have forced the partners to work together.
මැඩම්ට ජයවේවා
A set of six short notes. The President, now in control of the police, applies the law to the sons of UNP ministers accused of assaulting relatives of Minister Kabir Hashim, which she never did in her own government; the ‘national heroes’ of the Soma Thera campaign now face bribery and criminal charges; the Elections Commissioner cannot even retire because the 17th Amendment commission has not been set up; the President challenges the Prime Minister over the peace process and defence; and the secret second swearing-in to extend her term.
රට කාලකන්නි කිරීමට ඉඩ නොදෙමු
A New Year editorial warning that a religious rift is being added to Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. Recalling Lee Kuan Yew’s use of Sri Lanka as the example of a failed state, it traces how caste, religion and language disputes each divided the country in turn and asks whether the majority will once again follow a small extremist minority, as in July 1983.
අන්තර් පාලන ගැටලුව
India’s view that any interim administration for the North and East must be linked to a final settlement matches the SLFP’s position. The editorial notes that apart from the JVP and Sihala Urumaya all parties and India favour an interim administration, expects the LTTE to open with a confederal demand in the hope of a better bargain, and argues that it can be brought down to a federal model only if the state argues strongly for one, with safeguards for eastern Muslims and Sinhalese.
පොලති හා යහපත් ආණ්ඩුකරණය
The editorial welcomes the retirement of Inspector General of Police Anandarajah after he was denied an extension, following protests over his attendance at a drug dealer’s daughter’s birthday party. It doubts this signals any real commitment by the President to good governance, citing her protection of the Chief Justice and of presidential security officers, and criticises the government and Interior Minister John Amaratunga for defending the IGP and staying silent on the Public Trustee and the Telecom chairman.
අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ හුස්ම හිරවීම
The President and two of the Bribery Commission’s members oppose Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara’s proposals to change the commission’s membership. The editorial argues that filling independent commissions with retired judges and lawyers has failed and slights other professions, that both government and opposition want to control the commissions, and that the Constitutional Council has not appointed new members as the 17th Amendment requires. Commissioners need courage as well as learning, like Neville Samarakoon.