ප්‍රඥාවෙන් ප්‍රශ්න බේරාගමු
අප රටක් වශයෙන් සිටින්නේ තීරණාත්මක තැනකය. එල්ටීටීඊය ආරක්ෂක පවුරක් කරගෙන සිටින සිවිල් ජනයාට බරපතළ හානියක් ඇති නොවන ලෙස එම ජනතාව අතර සැඟවී සිටින එල්ටීටීඊ නායකයන් හා කාර්යධරයන් යටත් කරගැනීම හෝ විනාශ කිරීම සිදුවන්නේ කෙසේද යන සංකීර්ණ ප්‍රශ්න කෙරෙහි ලෝක අවධානය යොමුවී තිබේ. ඒ ගැන ලෝක මට්ටමෙන් කෙරෙන වාද විවාද ඇති අතර, ලෝකයේ පවතින එම උද්වේගකර […]
වර්ග සංහාර භාෂණය ගැන වැඩිදුරටත්
Ivan returns to Bhashana, who reads the war as a long-planned extermination on the model of
Hitler’s and Rwanda’s, and notes that in all his writing since leaving the JVP for the
LTTE’s cause there is not one criticism of the LTTE. He sets the 730 days of Wijeweera’s
rebellion, fought with primitive weapons, against the 1,095 days of Prabhakaran’s, fought
with modern ones, and invites Bhashana to do the arithmetic of the dead himself.
යුද්ධයෙන් ජයගැනීම හා ප්‍රචාරක යුද්ධයෙන් පරාජය වීම
The government won the war for territory and lost the argument about how it ended. Ivan
credits it with everything the military victory required — rebuilding the forces’ morale,
ending the factionalism among them, holding to the decision under international pressure —
and finds the same government without a case it could put to the world, when the strongest
argument was available to it: that letting a movement succeed by holding hundreds of
thousands hostage teaches the lesson to every other city.
ගියරය වෙනස් කිරීමට කාලය පැමිණ තිබේ
The war for territory is won, and Ivan argues the country must now change the voice it
speaks in. A degree of defiance suited a government fighting against international
obstruction; facing a humanitarian problem of this size and needing the aid to solve it, the
same tone will not do. There is nothing here to hide, and the way to more help is patient
listening and patient explanation.
ආවේගයෙන් ක්‍රියාකිරීම අත්හැරිය යුතුය
With six square kilometres left and under one per cent of the objective outstanding, Ivan
argues there is no case for haste. The decision to stop air and artillery attacks and free
the remaining civilians with light weapons is the right one and should not be misread as
abandoning the operation; and with an Indian election under way and the reconstruction bill
to be met from abroad, the country should be opening doors rather than closing them.
ඇත්ත ඇති සැටියෙන් දැකීම
Ivan answers two replies to his article on the genocide claim, apologises for having left a
professor unnamed, and turns to what international law actually says: who counts as a
combatant, what carpet bombing forbids, which three rights survive an emergency, and what
the International Criminal Court could and could not be asked to do. He closes on a
comparison few make — the caste composition of those killed by Wijeweera’s followers and by
Prabhakaran’s, and of those killed by the forces suppressing both.
දෙමළ හදවත්වල ඇති තුවාල සුව කිරීම
The war is over and what it has left is harder than what it settled: one community in the
country now feels itself defeated, and the Tamil diaspora with it. Ivan points to the
Khalistan insurgency, put down in the mid-eighties and followed quickly enough by political
redress that a Sikh is now prime minister of India, and to the rebuilding of German and
Japanese self-respect after 1945. He sets out what can be done at once without new
legislation, and what the camps will require.
සටන්කාමයට වඩා දැන් අවශ්‍යව ඇත්තේ ප්‍රඥාවයි
With the LTTE’s territory gone and its leaders holding civilians as a shield, Ivan writes
that the rules of war require a defeated side to surrender — Hitler’s suicide was a signal
to his army to do so — and that Prabhakaran has chosen instead to maximise the harm to his
own people. Whether the forces can take the remaining leaders without that harm will decide
how the victory is remembered, and how India’s election reads it.
දෙමළ සංහාරය ඇත්තක්ද?
Against the claim that the war is a genocide, Ivan sets the arithmetic of the three armed
rebellions the forces have put down. The second JVP insurrection lasted two years and five
months and cost at least fifty thousand lives; the Fourth Eelam War has run three months
longer for perhaps fifteen thousand. He questions the figure of 850,000 Tamils abroad as
evidence of extermination, and notes that fewer than a fifth of the country’s Tamils ever
lived under LTTE rule.
ගෞරවනීය අවසානයක් සඳහා
With 99.5 per cent of LTTE territory taken and the remainder unwilling to surrender, Ivan
proposes that the government turn the question around: invite the world bodies and powers
now speaking for the trapped civilians to put forward a programme for freeing them, subject
to the government’s own scrutiny, with the freed civilians handed to the state and any
surrendering cadres to the forces.