හොංකොංවලින් උගත හැකි පාඩම් (1)
Hong Kong before 1974 was as rotten as Sri Lanka — a bribe was a condition of getting anything done, including calling the fire brigade. Today its police force is among the cleanest in the world. In the first of two parts Ivan sets out how corruption is structured here instead: what political power is worth, why business invests in politicians rather than in business, and what the country pays for it.
එස්.බී. නඩුව හා අල්ලස් කොමිසම
The High Court’s acquittal of S.B. Dissanayake on bribery charges is a blow to the Bribery Commission, which has failed to show independence in politically important cases. The editorial argues that a president’s immunity is no reason not to investigate, citing France, and questions a commission made up entirely of retirees.
අල්ලස් කොමිෂන් සභා නීතිය ගැන නැවත සලකා බැලිය යුතුයි
The Bribery Commission’s term has ended and the new nominees face complaints. The editorial blames weak provisions on its three-member composition, calls the assets and liabilities law a powerful but unused weapon, and notes that the Commission has read the law as if the President need not declare her assets.
ලොකු බණ්ඩාර න්යාය
Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara has announced that a public officer facing bribery charges need not be suspended. The note shows that the Establishments Code says the opposite, and that the minister’s ‘doctrine’ was invented to protect the Public Trustee.
තිලංග හා මහාභාරකාරය
The Public Trustee, Sarath Seneviratne, is wanted by the Bribery Commission and in hiding, while Thilanga Sumathipala is on remand. The piece follows the sale of temple land, the protection both men enjoyed from the powerful, the President’s anger and why the government still has not removed Sumathipala from his posts.
අල්ලස් කොමිසමේ හුස්ම හිරවීම
The President and two of the Bribery Commission’s members oppose Justice Minister W.J.M. Lokubandara’s proposals to change the commission’s membership. The editorial argues that filling independent commissions with retired judges and lawyers has failed and slights other professions, that both government and opposition want to control the commissions, and that the Constitutional Council has not appointed new members as the 17th Amendment requires. Commissioners need courage as well as learning, like Neville Samarakoon.
අල්ලස් හෝ දූෂණ චෝදනා විමර්ශන කොමිෂන් සභාවේ සභාපතිගේ ලිපිය සහ කර්තෘ සටහන
Replying to Ravaya’s article of 7 September 2003, Chairman S. Ananda Coomaraswamy rejects the charge of partisanship, saying files on several senior ministers of the current government were also closed for lack of evidence, that the Mangala Samaraweera decision was unanimous and followed a lengthy inquiry, and that the Supreme Court can review it. The editor’s note argues that ministers may not draw extra funds such as a Telecom credit card beyond legal allowances, and that review is meaningless without an independent Supreme Court.
ස්වාධීන කොමිසන් ක්රමය ගැන නැවත සලකා බැලිය යුතු ය
With the Police Commission collapsing after a member resigned in protest at another’s conduct, the editorial argues that independent commissions succeed only if their members have the courage to resist political pressure, a quality the Constitutional Council ignored in favour of education and experience. It notes that the Elections Commission remains unappointed because of the President’s objection to one nominee, that the Bribery and Judicial Service Commissions have not been reconstituted, and that the UNP has forgotten its promise to fix the 17th Amendment.
අල්ලස් දූෂණ, දේශපාලනය හා යුක්තිය පසිඳලීම
At a Transparency International seminar Ivan asked Bribery Commission chairman S. Ananda Coomaraswamy why the commission had cleared Mangala Samaraweera over a Rs. 500,000 credit card from a state body. He contrasts the commission with former commissioner Neelum Gamage, who resisted pressure from President Wijetunga over Wack Silva, and argues that politicians enriched by corruption will never accept an independent commission. A second section criticises the legal community’s belated alarm at Mark Fernando’s early retirement and describes the decay of the judiciary under Sarath N. Silva.
Bribery, Corruption and Politics
In this article, Victor Ivan highlights the systemic political corruption in Sri Lanka and the ineffectiveness of the Commission of Inquiry into Bribery or Corruption. Recounting an exchange at a Transparency International seminar, Ivan criticizes the Commission’s Chairman for protecting a former minister accused of misusing state funds via a credit card, arguing that the Commission acts as a shield for corrupt politicians rather than a deterrent. The author contends that bribery and corruption have become the very foundation of Sri Lankan politics and political funding. Because both major political parties depend on illegal wealth generation and crony capitalism for their survival, neither President Chandrika Kumaratunga nor Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe genuinely wants an independent Bribery Commission, as true accountability would result in many politicians facing imprisonment.