ආණ්ඩුව හා විරුද්ධ පක්ෂය දෙපැත්තට ඇදීම
The government fought the war as a single-handed act and attacked the opposition through it;
the opposition worked to obstruct the war, likened it to Hitler’s, and sought to cut off
aid. Ivan traces the habit to the system J.R. Jayewardene built to keep an opposition
permanently out of power, follows it through the SLFP’s own years in the wilderness and its
quiet satisfaction at the JVP’s revolt, and ends by asking which matters more to either
side, the party or the country.
ගියරය වෙනස් කිරීමට කාලය පැමිණ තිබේ
The war for territory is won, and Ivan argues the country must now change the voice it
speaks in. A degree of defiance suited a government fighting against international
obstruction; facing a humanitarian problem of this size and needing the aid to solve it, the
same tone will not do. There is nothing here to hide, and the way to more help is patient
listening and patient explanation.
ආවේගයෙන් ක්රියාකිරීම අත්හැරිය යුතුය
With six square kilometres left and under one per cent of the objective outstanding, Ivan
argues there is no case for haste. The decision to stop air and artillery attacks and free
the remaining civilians with light weapons is the right one and should not be misread as
abandoning the operation; and with an Indian election under way and the reconstruction bill
to be met from abroad, the country should be opening doors rather than closing them.
ත්රස්තවාදය ජයගැනීමෙන් නොනැවතී දේශපාලන ක්රමය ජයගත යුතුය
The Western Province result leaves the government stronger after three years than when it
began, the UNP down from 39 seats to 30 and the JVP from 22 to three. Ivan argues that the
moment to press for a change in the political system is precisely when the opposition cannot
win power by ordinary means, and that the president’s own promise to abolish the executive
presidency is the lever the opposition should use.
මහජනයාගේ පරමාධිපත්ය බලය සමග සෙල්ලම් කිරීම
The elections commissioner has asked voters not to vote for candidates accused of thuggery
and corruption, and Ivan asks how they are supposed to know who those are. India requires
every nomination to carry a sworn statement of assets and of cases pending; Sri Lanka has an
assets law that is not enforced and no ceiling at all on spending, while some Western
Province candidates have spent three or four hundred million rupees.
ඇත්ත ඇති සැටියෙන් දැකීම
Ivan answers two replies to his article on the genocide claim, apologises for having left a
professor unnamed, and turns to what international law actually says: who counts as a
combatant, what carpet bombing forbids, which three rights survive an emergency, and what
the International Criminal Court could and could not be asked to do. He closes on a
comparison few make — the caste composition of those killed by Wijeweera’s followers and by
Prabhakaran’s, and of those killed by the forces suppressing both.
මහින්ද කොයිබටද?
Whether by luck, practical sense or sheer resolve, Ivan writes, Mahinda Rajapaksa will enter
history as the leader who turned modern Sri Lankan politics. But defeating Prabhakaran
militarily is not enough: he must be defeated politically as well, which means bringing the
country’s Tamils to accept that life within the Sri Lankan state is better and fairer than
life in his separate one. A great leader is not satisfied with half a greatness.
දෙමළ ප්රශ්නය ජයගැනීම
The price of defeating the LTTE is not yet countable, Ivan writes, but the harder question
is what follows: how to heal a community that has paid an enormous forfeit and now carries a
defeated mind. The Tamils hold an old language and an old civilisation, and cannot be
governed by force against their will; the road out begins when Sinhalese hearts set down the
victor’s pride.
17 වැනි සංශෝධනය හා මැතිවරණ කොමිසම
Provincial elections are being held without the Elections Commission the 17th Amendment
requires, because Chandrika Kumaratunga refused to appoint one and the refusal has outlived
her. Ivan sets the Indian Election Commission against it — its own budget, its own
quasi-judicial powers, 668 million voters and 800,000 polling stations — and argues that an
amendment bolted on to a constitution built around an unaccountable president was never
going to hold.
රනිල් වික්රමසිංහටත් ජනාධිපති ක්රමය එපාවේ!
Ivan notes that if Ranil Wickremesinghe’s complaint is Mahinda Rajapaksa rather than the
system, then removing the man and preserving the machine is the wrong remedy — and that his
promise to abolish the executive presidency under a UNP government reads as a concession to
his party rather than a conviction. Some presidents built things within the corrupt system,
he grants; but what has hollowed out the rule of law is the system, not the individual.