පී.එස්.ඩී.යට රජ සැලකිලි
Ivan details favours the President granted to her Presidential Security Division. Its director Nihal Karunaratne was promoted to Superintendent of Police without the required EBE examination through two Cabinet papers, and seven chosen PSD men were given luxury flats in a state-owned Bambalapitiya tower rent free, costing the state Rs 2.6 million a year. He calls this corruption.
ජනාධිපතිනිය චෙක්මේට් වීමට ආසන්නයි
Ivan argues that Chandrika Kumaratunga ruled as a hereditary queen rather than an elected leader, flouted the 17th Amendment in the 2001 election she led, and should have resigned or sought a fresh mandate, or stepped back as D.B. Wijetunga did. Now she is cornered, and he predicts the crisis will cost her the presidency and the Bandaranaikes their hold on the SLFP, and says punishing PA-era crimes, though double-edged, is worthwhile.
කිරි කළයේ ගොම
Ivan says that malpractice in some areas has tarnished the government’s deserved local election victory and exposed a hunger for rigging among some of its members. He recalls how Chandrika Kumaratunga’s failure to punish those behind the 1997 malpractices and the North Western Provincial Council poll began her decline, and urges the government to investigate, reprimand offenders, pursue serious PA-era wrongs without revenge, and make people unafraid to oppose it.
මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්, වත්කම් බැරකම් නීතිය හා අල්ලස් කොමිසම
Ivan notes that the Elections Commissioner must collect asset declarations from candidates and party office-bearers, and asks whether they were received after the local elections. Requests for copies of the President’s and ministers’ declarations under the previous government were ignored. He points out that the 1994 Bribery Commission Act refers to the outdated 1976 law rather than the 1988 law giving public access, and urges this be fixed and the Commission allowed to act without a complaint.
අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවටත් නැතුවම බැරී හැරි
Businessman Harry Jayawardena was the People’s Alliance’s chief financier, and the President shielded him while customs and Central Bank inquiries into alleged duty and exchange frauds stayed open; some link the customs inquiry to the killing of officer Sujith Perera, after which other officers fled abroad. Ivan asks what signal the new government sends by appointing him to the Securities and Exchange Commission.
ජනාධිපතිනියත් නීතිය ඉදිරියට පමුණුවාලිය යුතුය
Ivan argues that presidential immunity assumes a leader will not commit crimes, and that one who does must face the law. He questions how Chandrika Kumaratunga funds her lifestyle, calls the Air Lanka sale to Emirates, brokered by her friend Chandana Silva, corrupt, and links her security forces to the killings of Kumar Ponnambalam and Rohana Kumara, the attack on singers Rookantha Gunathilake and Chandraleka, the burning of Anoja Weerasinghe’s house and body parts sent to Ravi Karunanayake. He urges an impartial commission.
ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද?
Rebutting Tilvin Silva’s claim of success, Ivan uses vote figures since 1994 to show the JVP lost 47 per cent of its 2001 vote in the local elections, worst in Colombo, Puttalam and Kalutara, which he blames on its nationalism and its alliance with the President. He traces how Chandrika Kumaratunga may steer the party through Somawansa Amarasinghe, whose relative Sirisena Cooray is said to have enabled his 1989 escape, citing General Cecil Waidyaratne.
මාළිගා විවාදය යළි කරලියට
A long reply by presidential media director Janadasa Peiris to a report that Rs 800 million had been spent on the site of a planned presidential palace has revived the controversy. The editorial notes what he leaves out about the Temple Trees renovation, including a swimming pool and mini-cinema, and about repairs to President’s House, and observes that earlier leaders from S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike to Ranasinghe Premadasa lived in their own homes, a tradition Chandrika Kumaratunga broke.
විය හැකි දේ සහ විය යුතු දේ
Written on the eve of the local government elections, Ivan sets out what each side must prove against the 2001 results, and says a sharp JVP decline could mark the beginning of its end. He praises the government’s comparatively clean campaign, proposes reforming the executive presidency by removing the arbitrary dissolution power and simplifying removal of a president, and argues that Prabhakaran, like Mandela, could become a stronger leader by abandoning arms.
17 වැනි සංශෝධනයට කොකා පෙන්නීම
Ivan explains that the 17th Amendment gives the Constitutional Council power over the independent commissions and top appointments, yet the President has still not named her nominee despite Article 41(5). He argues that she is protecting her hold over the Chief Justice, Attorney General, IGP and Bribery Commission, since a council would weaken her defence against impeachment and against the Padiyapelella rocket-launcher case linked to a plot to kill S.B. Dissanayake.