පුදුම රටක්
A multi-part column. Ivan contrasts a poor country with rulers who bought 44 bulletproof cars at Rs 40 million each, many now missing, and spent Rs 600 million on the Sarasavi studio. Under ‘Sadism’ he reports confessions that Sanath Gunathilake ordered the bombing and burning of Anoja Weerasinghe’s house and the attack on Rookantha and Chandraleka, and describes the cover stories spread over the Rohana Kumara murder. Further sections discuss PA divisions over toppling the government and argue the domestic LTTE ban is pointless.
ජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්‍යය බලය සමග සෙල්ලම් කිරීම
Ivan says the UNF government has failed to keep local elections civilised and has not appointed the promised inquiry into earlier poll malpractice, and traces state-level electoral fraud from the Dedigama by-election and the Jaffna development council poll through 1982 to its revival under Kumaratunga. A second section on the Constitutional Council recounts how the professionals’ draft was reshaped by Jayampathy Wickramaratne so that the President nominates key appointees, a trap the JVP fell into, and asks why the government has not corrected it.
අගවිනිසුරු සරත් නන්ද සිල්වා සම්බන්ධයෙන් ආණ්ඩුවේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිය කුමක්ද?
Ivan calls the Kumaratunga era the most shameless assault on the Supreme Court’s independence, with a Chief Justice appointed while himself facing charges, political cases routed to benches he sat on, and dissenting judges pushed out. The UNP’s impeachment motion lapsed with the dissolution of Parliament, yet the new UNF government keeps him in office despite objections from the UN rapporteur Param Cumaraswamy, Mary Robinson, the International Commission of Jurists and the International Bar Association.
රාවය ඉදිරිය දකින ආකාරය
Answering critics who say Ravaya has gone soft on the UNF government, the paper recalls its record of opposing both UNP and PA governments. It backs curbing the President’s powers even at the cost of a distorting amendment, prosecution of those responsible for PSD crimes, including the President, and the peace effort, including lifting the LTTE ban. It lists its campaigns on the Elections Commissioner, state gifts, assets declarations, the 17th Amendment and Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, and reveals PSD plans to bomb Ravaya and kill its editor.
ජනාධිපතිනියගේ ඡීඑස්ඩී දාමරිකකම් ගැන ශ්‍රීලනිප, පොපෙ හා ජවිපෙ කියන්නේ කුමක්ද?
When inquiries into the Presidential Security Division began, SLFP loyalists called them a plot to weaken the President’s security. The editorial notes that investigations now link the PSD to the attacks on the Leader editor, the Rohana Kumara murder and other outrages, with officers saying they acted on the President’s orders, and demands that the SLFP, PA and JVP state their position. If she ordered the crimes she must face the law, by constitutional amendment if necessary.
පීඑස්ඩී අපරාධවලට ජනාධිපතිනිය වගකිවයුතු නැද්ද?
Police inquiries are confirming what Ravaya long reported: that the Presidential Security Division was behind the attacks on the Leader editor and his home, the Rohana Kumara murder, the harassment of singers Rookantha and Chandraleka, the burning of actress Anoja Weerasinghe’s house and body parts sent to Ravi Karunanayake. The editorial argues these crimes had political motives, that the President’s role must be investigated, and that if involved she belongs in prison, not the presidential palace.
ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයක් අවශ්‍ය වුවත් එය සිදුකළ යුත්තේ පරිස්සමෙනි
With the UNF in government but President Kumaratunga holding decisive constitutional powers, including dissolving Parliament after a year, Ivan traces the cohabitation crisis to a 1978 constitution designed for one-party control, a flaw N.M. Perera foresaw. The government’s planned amendment to curb her powers needs PA votes for a two-thirds majority, and he warns that buying them could distort constitution-making, urging a broad consensual process for a new constitution instead.
ප්‍රභාකරන් එන්න යන්නේ මොකාටද?
Ivan rejects the JVP-led reading that Prabhakaran’s press conference shows he still wants Eelam, arguing he had to address the international community, the government and his own followers at once. Facing hostile journalists was itself an achievement, and his regretful tone about past violence contrasted with the JVP’s justifications. Drawing on the JVP’s own history, the ANC and the IRA, he predicts the LTTE’s barracks culture will fade only slowly and that Prabhakaran’s real test will be governing.
ජනාධිපතිනියගේ මුක්තිය සීමා කිරීම
The proposed constitutional amendment would limit the President’s immunity, which Ivan welcomes. He argues that a head of state who commits crimes, fraud or wilful breaches of the constitution should be liable to prosecution and lose office on conviction without impeachment, noting that the President ignored the 17th Amendment and used her security staff against opponents under the shelter of immunity.
මංගලගේ හඬා වැළපීම
Mangala Samaraweera and others briefed the Indian High Commissioner on an alleged plot to arrest opposition figures linked to a conspiracy to kill the President. Ivan points out that allegations against the Presidential Security Division, including the attack on Lasantha Wickrematunge, long predate the government’s fall, and says those who fear unfair investigations should seek court restraint rather than complain to diplomats, recalling Samaraweera’s defiance over his Telecom credit card.