හදිසි ආණ්ඩු පෙරළියකට තිබෙන ඉඩ
With Parliament a year old, the editorial weighs the President’s options. Anura Bandaranaike says she can dissolve it once a pact with the JVP is reached, but an election soon after the last one could anger voters and the JVP is a poor partner in government. Counting seats, it shows the People’s Alliance and allies cannot reach 113 without UNP defectors, and argues that a coup would anger the international community and not serve her aim of amending the constitution to stay in politics.
හදිසි මැතිවරණයකට යෑමේ බිය පහවී නැත
From 5 December the President gains the power to dissolve Parliament at any time. The piece sets out the costs of a snap election: expense, a threat to the peace process and a return to war, administrative disruption, loss of investor confidence and the likelihood of another weak coalition. It doubts the President’s assurances, notes suspicions that she is working through the Muslim Congress, and concludes that she is subtly trying to break the government.
ස්වාධීනත්වයට දක්වන බිය
The editorial notes that the fight for judicial independence since Sarath N. Silva’s appointment as Chief Justice has come from outside the judiciary, and that a Bar Association committee report by K. Narendra Kumar endorsing the International Bar Association’s findings was suppressed. It reports that the Judicial Service Officers’ Association has now made judicial independence the theme of its 60th anniversary, and that the Chief Justice tried to wreck the event by withholding funds and leave and calling a compulsory paid seminar on the same day.
Democratization of the Country
This article explores the deeper socio-political fractures in Sri Lanka, arguing that the nation’s violent conflicts have been driven as much by caste oppression as by ethnic divisions. The author points out that both Prabhakaran in the North and Wijeweera in the South led armed rebellions that fundamentally challenged the entrenched dominance of the Vellala and Govigama castes. Highlighting historical examples of political exclusion based on caste—such as C.P. de Silva being denied party leadership—the article contends that Sri Lanka’s rigid political framework fails to accommodate marginalized voices. Ultimately, the author calls for a new, flexible constitution that guarantees true democratic participation and protects all minority groups from the tyranny of the majority.
ස්වාධීන කොමිෂන් ගැන ජනාධිපතිනියගේ වැදි බණ
The President has lectured the Constitutional Council that commission members must be honest, impartial and free of corruption charges, while objecting to some nominees and saying Human Rights Commission members she appointed stay until March 2003. Ivan contrasts this with her own appointments: an acting Elections Commissioner during her own election, Sarath N. Silva as Chief Justice while under inquiry, Harry Jayawardena and Sripathi Suriyarachchi. He proposes a parliamentary committee to hear objections, criticises Faiz Mustapha’s conduct as HRC chairman, and argues the old commissions lapsed under the 17th Amendment.
ඔස්ලෝ ආධාර සමුළුව
The piece defends the LTTE’s inclusion in the Oslo aid conference but says involving the President would have strengthened it, and notes that Western delegates stressed sovereignty, territorial integrity, human rights and democracy. It contrasts Chandrika Kumaratunga, who offers much on paper but nothing in practice, with Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has no prepared plan but concedes whatever is asked, and warns that opposition obstruction is strengthening the LTTE’s hand.
සාමය ජයගැනීම සරල නැත
The editorial rejects criticism of the LTTE’s participation in the Oslo aid conference, arguing that both parties jointly seeking reconstruction aid is positive. It notes Anton Balasingham’s measured reply to the US Deputy Secretary of State, the LTTE’s shift from a separate state to internal self-rule and Prabhakaran’s conciliatory Heroes’ Day speech. On LTTE police stations and courts, it argues regional policing is part of devolution and that successive governments’ failure to provide Tamil-language police and courts is partly to blame.
හොරගල් ඇහිලීම
Ivan assesses the manoeuvring between President and Prime Minister after the 19th Amendment was withdrawn. The President may dissolve Parliament after 5 December but has promised not to, and a crossover government or a bid to replace Ranil Wickremesinghe as UNP leader through another prime minister faces numerical and LTTE obstacles. He notes her wish to change the system so she can stay in politics until a child takes over, and says Wickremesinghe is staking everything on peace and the Oslo aid conference.
ගොයම කන්නේ වැටත් නියරත් නම් කළ හැක්කේ කුමක් ද?
Almost a month after the Constitutional Council sent the President its list of nominees for the independent commissions, she has not approved it, leaving the system in disarray. The editorial recalls that the 17th Amendment came from civil-society pressure and was distorted and rushed through in a day, but insists the President is constitutionally bound to approve the list promptly. It says Parliament must resolve the crisis, if necessary with enabling legislation.
අයවැයේ දාර්ශනික දුගීභාවය
Ivan faults the budget for lacking a development vision beyond World Bank and IMF advice, urging a strategy to place trained workers such as nurses in better-paid foreign jobs, and criticising new taxes on non-resident foreign-currency accounts, savings accounts and vehicles. He then sets out invoices showing Rs 214,384 spent on liquor for the President’s official residence in August 2000 alone, and large hospitality bills for officials during the 2000 election campaign, which he calls an offence under bribery law.