Will the president be checkmated?
Using and misusing state resources to the utmost, a desperate PA played even its last trump card, the Tiger card, and the people disregarded all of it and defeated the government with the power of their innocent vote. What the President can still do, and what should be done to her office, is the question.
සාහසිකකම්වලට වගකිවයුතු සියලු දෙනා නීතිය ඉදිරියට ගෙනා යුතු .
Voters defeated the People’s Alliance despite a violent campaign in which, the editorial says, the President and cabinet broke election law and the Constitution with the Chief Justice’s backing. It singles out the former deputy defence minister, whose paramilitaries it blames for intimidation in Kandy and the shooting of ten Muslim youths guarding ballot boxes at Madawala, and urges the new government to prosecute those responsible.
ජනාධිපතිනිය චෙක් මේට් වේද?
After the People’s Alliance defeat, Ivan weighs the options facing Chandrika Kumaratunga, who still holds executive power. Contrasting American practice and French cohabitation under Mitterrand and Chirac with Sri Lanka’s short 1994 experience, he sees three paths: resignation, a Wijetunga-style nominal presidency, or removal by the new majority through budget control or impeachment. He calls for constitutional reforms making the president accountable to Parliament and the courts and giving the Prime Minister full domestic authority.
Rise and fall: what the numbers say
Two tables: the share of the vote won by parties that took power from an incumbent at a parliamentary election, and the share won by incumbents who were returned. From those rates the column projects the result of the election a week away.
මීළග පාර්ලිමේන්තුවෙහි සංයුතිය කුමක් වෙයි ද?.
Ahead of the December 2001 election, the piece examines how the departure of the Muslim Congress, the Ceylon Workers’ Congress and the NUA costs the People’s Alliance about 15 seats. It works through the 2000 district results to show how bonus seats, the 5 per cent cut-off and remainders gave the JVP its ten seats, argues that the JVP is unlikely to become kingmaker, and projects a UNF vote near 50 per cent if rigging and violence are held in check.
මහජනතාවගේ පරමාධිපත්ය බලය සමග සෙල්ලම් කරන අයට දඬුවම් පමුණුවනු
The editorial calls the election decisive for democracy, accusing the People’s Alliance of rigging every poll since 1994, ignoring the 17th Amendment, threatening the Elections Commissioner and hinting it would block an opposition government. As voters punished the UNP in 1994, it says, they must now punish the PA and build stronger democratic institutions.
සෝමවංශ අමරසිංහ ජවිපෙ රැගෙන යන්නේ කොයිබටද?
Ivan questions Somawansa Amarasinghe’s fitness to lead the JVP. He recounts Amarasinghe’s arrest in the botched 1971 plan to seize Sirimavo Bandaranaike and his switch from anti- to pro-Wijeweera views in prison, and cites Vas Tillekeratne’s statement on Iraqi funding. He asks how Amarasinghe alone escaped in 1989, possibly helped by his relative Sirisena Cooray, notes the JVP’s shifts towards the PA, and criticises a leadership drawn from his home district of Kalutara.
Powerless presidency and power of parliament
Under the 1978 constitution one party can hold the presidency while another commands parliament. That happened briefly between August and December 1994, and it is about to happen again — and this time the President will be at the greater disadvantage.
මහජන කැමැත්තට පයින් ගැසීම
Anura Bandaranaike said that even if the United National Front won, his sister would not let it form a government but would keep proroguing and dissolving Parliament. The editorial replies that Sri Lanka is not a Bandaranaike feudal estate, that sovereignty lies with the people, and that voters also decide which politicians belong on the rubbish heap of history.
පොදු පෙරමුණ පරාජය වුවහොත් විය හැක්කේ කුමක්ද?
Ivan considers cohabitation between a PA President and a UNP Parliament. He recalls how President Wijetunga cooperated with Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1994, quotes N.M. Perera’s 1978 warnings that a hostile Parliament could paralyse a president through its control of finance, and argues that a PA defeat would amount to a popular verdict against her. He concludes that she must accept the leader of the winning party as Prime Minister or face public revolt.