බලශක්ති අර්බුදය හා පිරීමැස්ම
With five-hour daily power cuts crippling the economy, and the energy minister promising a solution within 180 days, Ivan notes that households use 30 per cent of electricity. He proposes making energy-saving bulbs compulsory, paid for in instalments through electricity bills, which he estimates could save 22 per cent of consumption and two hours of cuts, and suggests generating power from urban garbage.
අලුත් ආණ්ඩුවටත් නැතුවම බැරී හැරි
Businessman Harry Jayawardena was the People’s Alliance’s chief financier, and the President shielded him while customs and Central Bank inquiries into alleged duty and exchange frauds stayed open; some link the customs inquiry to the killing of officer Sujith Perera, after which other officers fled abroad. Ivan asks what signal the new government sends by appointing him to the Securities and Exchange Commission.
ජනාධිපතිනියත් නීතිය ඉදිරියට පමුණුවාලිය යුතුය
Ivan argues that presidential immunity assumes a leader will not commit crimes, and that one who does must face the law. He questions how Chandrika Kumaratunga funds her lifestyle, calls the Air Lanka sale to Emirates, brokered by her friend Chandana Silva, corrupt, and links her security forces to the killings of Kumar Ponnambalam and Rohana Kumara, the attack on singers Rookantha Gunathilake and Chandraleka, the burning of Anoja Weerasinghe’s house and body parts sent to Ravi Karunanayake. He urges an impartial commission.
ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට සිදුවූයේ කුමක්ද?
Rebutting Tilvin Silva’s claim of success, Ivan uses vote figures since 1994 to show the JVP lost 47 per cent of its 2001 vote in the local elections, worst in Colombo, Puttalam and Kalutara, which he blames on its nationalism and its alliance with the President. He traces how Chandrika Kumaratunga may steer the party through Somawansa Amarasinghe, whose relative Sirisena Cooray is said to have enabled his 1989 escape, citing General Cecil Waidyaratne.
විය හැකි දේ සහ විය යුතු දේ
Written on the eve of the local government elections, Ivan sets out what each side must prove against the 2001 results, and says a sharp JVP decline could mark the beginning of its end. He praises the government’s comparatively clean campaign, proposes reforming the executive presidency by removing the arbitrary dissolution power and simplifying removal of a president, and argues that Prabhakaran, like Mandela, could become a stronger leader by abandoning arms.
මැතිවරණයේදි සිදුවූ වැරදි නිවැරදි කිරීම ආණ්ඩුවේ වගකීමක්
The UNF’s large local government victory is read as a mandate for its peace programme and a rejection of the President and the JVP-led anti-peace forces. But the piece records black marks: opposition agents driven from polling stations and Samurdhi recipients’ ballots used by others in some areas. It argues that the government, which had wanted a clean election but did not instruct its candidates firmly, must investigate and discipline its own offenders rather than point to election petitions.
මාළිගා විවාදය යළි කරලියට
A long reply by presidential media director Janadasa Peiris to a report that Rs 800 million had been spent on the site of a planned presidential palace has revived the controversy. The editorial notes what he leaves out about the Temple Trees renovation, including a swimming pool and mini-cinema, and about repairs to President’s House, and observes that earlier leaders from S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike to Ranasinghe Premadasa lived in their own homes, a tradition Chandrika Kumaratunga broke.
චොකා ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය
Under the People’s Alliance ‘Choka Malli’, chairman of the Nivitigala Pradeshiya Sabha and now an MP, ruled Ratnapura as ‘Chandi Malli’ ruled Hambantota. With power changed, two of his followers have disappeared and their dismembered bodies been found. The editorial warns that revenge by past victims must not be allowed, since punishment outside the law ends the rule of law, and that no new ‘Choka’ system should take root.
17 වැනි සංශෝධනයට කොකා පෙන්නීම
Ivan explains that the 17th Amendment gives the Constitutional Council power over the independent commissions and top appointments, yet the President has still not named her nominee despite Article 41(5). He argues that she is protecting her hold over the Chief Justice, Attorney General, IGP and Bribery Commission, since a council would weaken her defence against impeachment and against the Padiyapelella rocket-launcher case linked to a plot to kill S.B. Dissanayake.
පාර්ලිමන්ට් ජෝක්ස් නවතම රංගනය මැඩම් චන්ද්රිකාගෙන්
Reports say the President will attend the budget debate and that there is a question over where she will sit. Ivan notes that under Article 33 of the 1978 Constitution a President may enter Parliament only to present policy, make a special statement or preside at a ceremonial sitting, and only in the chair. She has already broken this by presenting a budget as Finance Minister and a constitution from a minister’s seat, unopposed by the UNP, and he warns the Constitution is becoming a comedy.