ආණ්ඩු වෙනසක් ඇති කළ මැතිවරණවලදි හා ආණ්ඩු වෙනසක් ඇති නොකළ මැතිවරණවල දි ජයග්‍රාහකයා ලබාගත් ඡන්ද අනුපාතිකයේ වෙනස්කම්

Ivan shows that since 1952 opposition parties winning power have gained on average about 18 per cent in vote share, while re-elected governments have lost ground. Applying this pattern, together with the departure of the Muslim Congress and the Ceylon Workers’ Congress from the PA, he estimates that the United National Front will take about half the vote and 124–126 seats against 74–76 for the People’s Alliance, and supports this with two tables.

වැටත් නියරත් ගොයම් කා නම් කාට කියන්න ද?

The editorial argues that before bringing Prabhakaran under the law, the President, cabinet and Supreme Court must themselves respect the Constitution. It lists the caretaker government’s pay rises, regularisations, a Rs 1,000 million handout through divisional secretariats and use of state media, faults the Elections Commissioner’s inaction, and contrasts the Supreme Court’s past orders on free elections with its current dismissal of petitions under the Chief Justice.

Dirty politics undermine sovereignty of people

The rule of law is essential to the survival of a democratic political system, and when the rule of law is broken the system is damaged with it. What follows is a list of the specific breakages, with figures.

99 ජනාධිපතිවරණය වංචාවෙන් ජයගැනීම සඳහා යොදා ගැනුණු

Ivan argues that Chandrika Kumaratunga’s 1999 victory rested on organised fraud rather than sympathy after the bomb attack. He describes S.B. Dissanayake’s push for an early poll, a Samurdhi scheme to seize the poll cards of opposition voters, ballot-box substitution with compliant officials, the removal of the acting Elections Commissioner, and a million forged ballots distributed with underworld and presidential-security help. He ends with practical safeguards for party agents at the coming election.

17th Amendment aimed to stop malpractice

At an election a private person or a private institution may help whichever party it likes. A government official or a government institution has no such right: their duty is to be politically silent and inactive and let the people elect the government they want.

17 වැනි සංශෝධනය නොසලකා ක්‍රියා කිරීම

Ivan argues that state officials and institutions must stay neutral in elections, which the 17th Amendment was meant to guarantee. He lists the caretaker government’s pay rises, regularisation of casual staff and teacher promotions, the IGP’s refusal to reverse post-dissolution police transfers and the partisan conduct of state media, and says that such wilful breaches by a President who controls both the police and state media would alone justify impeachment and expose officials to prosecution.

රෙජී රණතුංගට එරෙහිව නීතිය ක්‍රියාත්මක විය යුතු ය

A young man who had got a job through Reggie Ranatunga was beaten to death after joining another party. The editorial cites inquest evidence that the politician struck him, notes that the Gampaha magistrate granted bail while the victim was in intensive care and was then promoted Director General of the Bribery Commission, and condemns the police for still not arresting him.

Who can name the winner

The PA’s defeat at the coming election is inevitable. Closing off electoral malpractice, a powerful group leaving the PA for the UNP, and the SLMC and the CWC contesting in alliance with the UNP are the main things that will produce the result.