ව්යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝණය කරන සියලු දෙනා නීතිය ඉදිරියට ගෙනා යුතු ය
The editorial accuses the caretaker government of obstructing the 17th Amendment’s election provisions through mass recruitment, police transfers and promotions for teachers who would serve as polling officers. It notes that the Inspector General of Police has refused the Elections Commissioner’s order to cancel transfers and that state media ignore his directions, and demands that all who violate the Constitution be punished.
මැතිවරණයෙන් විය හැක්කේ කුමක්ද?
Ivan predicts a People’s Alliance defeat in the December 2001 election, citing curbs on rigging under the 17th Amendment, the defection of S.B. Dissanayake’s group, and the UNP’s alliance with the Muslim Congress and the Ceylon Workers’ Congress. Using vote shares from 1965 to 2000, he estimates the UNP-led front could near 50 per cent and about 125 seats, leaving the PA below 75, and warns of post-election back-door deals if the result is close.
Other side of executive presidency
The President called the 1978 constitution ridiculous and went on enjoying the privileges of the system it created, without even reforming away its contradictions. She is paying for that now.
මෙවරත් නීතියක් නැති ඡන්දයක් ද?
After the dissolution of Parliament, the caretaker People’s Alliance government raised public sector pay, cut the defence levy, made casual workers permanent and recruited in bulk, all of which Ivan says count as bribery under election law. He warns that the government is heading for a ruthless election whatever the 17th Amendment says, and faults the opposition for not pressing the Elections Commissioner to use his new powers from the day of dissolution.
හවුල් ආණ්ඩු දේශපාලනය
The editorial argues that the People’s Alliance government will be remembered for arrogance, inefficiency and corruption. It contrasts the hopes placed in Chandrika Kumaratunga with elections won by thuggery since 1997, development stalled and the Electricity Board’s savings turned into debt, and a one-woman government in which she took the finance portfolio and alienated her own cabinet.
බලතල නැතැයි කීමේ හැකියාවක් දැන් මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්ට නැත
The editorial notes that, pending an Elections Commission, the 17th Amendment gives its powers to the Elections Commissioner, including control of police on election duty and the power to take over partisan state bodies. It calls on him to stop misuse of state resources and state media, to collect the asset declarations of candidates that have never been obtained, and to ensure a free and fair election.
රට බිංදුවට වැටීම
With the services and manufacturing sectors collapsing, economic growth has fallen to zero and may turn negative, bringing soaring prices and job losses. The editorial says the rulers are absorbed in the political crisis, investors are pulling back and state institutions barely function. It argues that an early parliamentary election is the best way to end political instability, which is a precondition for overcoming the economic crisis.
ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ පරිවාස වැඩපිළිවෙළ
Ivan questions whether the JVP can win the five independent commissions by giving oxygen to a dying People’s Alliance government. He recalls its seats on the rigged North Western Provincial Council and support for PA provincial administrations, and gives the numbers: the government fell from a majority to 109 against 115 after Rauff Hakeem’s group left, and JVP support brings it back to 119. He argues that the pact’s ban on peace talks, privatisation and price rises clashes with the IMF standby agreement and risks another LTTE attack like Katunayake.
හිතුවක්කාරකම් නිකම් ම බලා සිටීමෙන් පරාජය කළ නොහැක
The President prorogued Parliament to escape a no-confidence defeat and then postponed the referendum to escape another. Ivan quotes the Presidential Secretariat’s claim that the postponement allows consensus on a new constitution, with a fresh referendum on 18 October if none emerges, and says that keeping Parliament closed seals off the people’s sovereignty amid economic collapse. He faults the UNP and JVP for merely lamenting the closure instead of using their majority to resolve the crisis.
විශ්වාසභංගය ජනමතවිචාරණය
Ivan argues that loss of a majority does not destabilise a country; clinging to power does. After Rauff Hakeem’s group crossed over, the President should have let the opposition form an all-party interim government pledged to constitutional reform and peace. Instead she prorogued Parliament and called a referendum. He rejects comparisons with Premadasa, who first proved his majority with 116 signatures, recalls the 1960 and 1994 precedents and the 1982 referendum, and asks how a leader who tolerates electoral fraud can deliver a better constitution.