විද්‍යුත් කැලෑ පත්තර අඩවි ගැන වැඩිදුරටත්
The article on the news websites that have turned into a species of electronic gutter press brought Ivan the chance to exchange views with one of the people he had charged — a man running a news website from a foreign country. Three sections follow: ethics, one-sided intellectuals, and Lionel Bopage and Rohana Kumara.
සරත් නන්ද සිල්වාගේ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් සොයා බැලීම
The select committee the government means to appoint to inquire into the improper acts done while Sarath N. Silva held the office of chief justice has become a subject of argument, and the first man to challenge it is Sarath N. Silva. He says appointing one two years after his retirement is an act of revenge, and that such a committee could damage judicial independence.
අපරාධකරණය හා පාදඩකරණය
The clash at Kolonnawa on polling day between the government member Duminda Silva and the former member and presidential adviser Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, and the tragedy that came of it, is a powerful event that gives a warning signal not only to the president and his party but to every political party in the country and to the society.
සරත් නන්ද සිල්වා හා සමාජ පාදඩකරණය
The Sunday Leader editor Frederica Jansz called the former chief justice a wolf in sheep’s clothing, and his long reply appeared in that paper at the weekend — answering not all her charges but only the few he could interpret to his own advantage. This is Ivan’s account of the rest.
අශීලාචාර තැනක තිබෙන්නේ දේශපාලනය පමණක්ද?
A satirical column by Vimalanath Weeraratne about Ivan’s role in securing the Lanka editor’s release provoked a crisis at Ravaya: Ivan announced he would stop writing for the paper, and Janaranjana offered to resign as acting head of the editorial board before the matter was settled. Ivan defends his interventions with the President — for the Lanka editor, for Parameshwari, for a detained astrologer — and denies rumours that his son was sent abroad at state expense. He then turns on his own profession, arguing journalists are as disreputable as politicians: the fabricated story of Premadasa bathing in milk drew condemnation for the attack on the printing press but none for the reporting that provoked it, and foreign-registered websites now let anyone publish gutter journalism beyond reach of the law. He closes with his own inquiries into Prageeth Eknaligoda’s disappearance.
අගවිනිසුරුට ප්‍රීතිමත් විශ්‍රාම ජීවිතයකට සුබ පැතුම්
Continuing the previous week, Ivan asks what a review of Sarath N. Silva’s judgments would
find, and answers with the record of appointments, plunder of public property, the company
he kept and the ambition to become head of state. He reports the meeting at which senior
counsel advised Chandrika Kumaratunga against appointing him — and Aloy Ratnayake’s
prediction that one day he would turn on her — and closes with the long list of lawyers and
judges who signed against him.
ගන්ධබ්බ තත්ත්වයකට පත්ව සිටින ජනමාධ්‍යවේදීන්
The Sirasa attack and Lasantha’s killing have frightened journalists, some of whom have already left the country, and many now speak of a terrible new era. Ivan argues it is not new: every administration since 1978 has done this. Under Jayewardene no mainstream paper criticised the government even over the opposition leader’s civic rights, the hooting of Supreme Court judges, or the pardon of Gonawala Sunil; only opposition papers did, and they were sealed and prosecuted for criminal defamation. Under Chandrika Kumaratunga, whom journalists helped bring to power, Satana’s editor Rohana Kumara was shot in circumstances close to Lasantha’s, and Lasantha himself was beaten and his house fired on. Yet the press has now cast her as saviour, and made Mangala Samaraweera — once the symbol of media repression, whose effigies they burned — the chief mourner. Journalists forget, and in forgetting protect the system.
චෞර රැජිනගේ රසකථා
Reading Upul Joseph Fernando’s interview with Chandrika Kumaratunga in Lankadeepa, Ivan takes apart the picture of a poor and blameless former president whose children travel by bus. She names two mistakes she knew were mistakes when she made them, and Ivan supplies the reason she does not: the appetite for power inside a system she and Ranil Wickremesinghe built between them.
මංගලගේ ආරක්ෂාව හා දේශපාලන භූමිකාව
Mangala Samaraweera says he is an LTTE target, that his guard is inadequate and that the government will answer for anything that happens to him. Ivan agrees he should be properly protected and then declines to join the procession: he recalls what was done to Ravaya through the labour department when Samaraweera held office, and says a man who wants to start again should begin with self-criticism.
ජාතික දේශපාලනයේ දි පාතාල ලෝකයට ලැබී තිබෙන වැදගත්කම
Following underworld figure ‘Bada Mahinda’ Godage’s confession to the CID, Ivan describes how Beddagane Sanjeewa, a presidential security officer blamed for Rohana Kumara’s murder, was killed on the orders of Dhammika Amarasinghe, with Tilanga Sumathipala also accused. Drawing on personal encounters, he outlines a repression apparatus of security officers and contract killers behind attacks on Lasantha Wickrematunga, Kumar Ponnambalam, Anoja Weerasinghe and others, and blames politicians and the media for letting Sri Lanka become ruled by hired killers.