යුද්ධය හා ජනවර්ග අර්බුදය
Written for the Tamil-language Veerakesari at that paper’s invitation, and it begins by placing its author: the man writing to a Tamil paper about what the Tamil people face after the war is not a Tamil but a Sinhalese — and not a Sinhalese born in a Sinhala area but one born in Batticaloa, who drove his pen to build Sinhala opinion in recognition that a grave injustice had been done to the Tamil nation.
වත්කම් බැරකම් නීතිය ගැන වැඩිදුරටත්
After Anna Hazare’s satyagraha succeeded, the Indian prime minister and the members of his cabinet published their declarations of assets and liabilities for the public to see. It can be read as a step to control the disillusion growing among people towards the leaders of the government — and as a very important by-product of the popular struggle against corruption.
සරත් නන්ද සිල්වා හා සමාජ පාදඩකරණය
The Sunday Leader editor Frederica Jansz called the former chief justice a wolf in sheep’s clothing, and his long reply appeared in that paper at the weekend — answering not all her charges but only the few he could interpret to his own advantage. This is Ivan’s account of the rest.
දූෂණයට එරෙහිව හා තොරතුරු අයිතිය වෙනුවෙන් කරන සටනේ අවුල
India’s anti-corruption movement, and the satyagraha Anna Hazare carried out to bring the struggle to a logical end, finished by winning the object they had set — an independent anti-corruption institution under a public ombudsman. It has not been discussed enough in Sri Lanka, Ivan writes, and it can be counted the largest popular revolution in India since Gandhi’s.
ඉන්දියාවේ හසාරේගේ දූෂණ විරෝධී විප්ලවය හා ශ්රී ලංකාව මුහුණ දී තිබෙන අවුල
Discussing the non-violent struggle Anna Hazare is carrying on in India to win a new anti-corruption bill matters to us here too: through it we can understand not only India’s future but the real nature of the tangle Sri Lanka faces in the same field.
යූඑන්පී අර්බුදය
A great deal can be learned from the UNP’s leadership crisis, not only about that party but about the political culture of Sri Lanka. Removing a party leader is extremely difficult: there is no simple, clear method in the party constitution for the membership to use when they want one removed, and nothing about how a group carrying on an internal struggle should proceed — and that is true of every party in the country.
අනුන් ගැන මිස තමන් ගැන විවේචනයක් නැති ජනමාධ්ය හා ජනමාධ්ය බෝම්බ
Uvindu answered Ivan’s article without answering the basic question it raised about reporting, and Ivan writes again because the subject matters to journalists and to readers interested in understanding Sri Lankan political reality. Six sections follow, ending on the power the press holds and on what he calls media atom bombs.
යක්ෂයා පලවා හැරීම
For a decade there have been attempts inside the UNP to remove Ranil Wickremesinghe and change the leadership, and he has defeated every one of them and kept his place. The leader of the recent revolt was Sajith Premadasa, and though the popular belief was that he would win, Ranil won again — and Sajith does not appear to have finished his fight.
අධිකරණය ජනමාධ්ය හා සමාජ-දේශපාලන යථාර්ථය
Uvindu Kurukulasuriya, once a freelance writer for Ravaya, questioned Ivan’s present silence on the burning questions of the judiciary in an article for the Sunday Leader on the 17th. He opened with something that interests the public: that the president, minister Basil Rajapaksa and the prime minister attended a reception at the home of Saliya Hettige on his appointment to the Supreme Court.
අර්බුදය ඓතිහාසික දෘෂ්ටියකින් දැකීම
Political outlook is an important factor in whether political struggles bear fruit. Ivan is not a Marxist, and he accepts the idea that theory guides practice: there are political struggles in this country and they happen without a meaningful forward vision, and that is why the fighters have become people running on the spot.