සෝම හිමියන්ගේ අපවත්වීමට මුවාවී චෝදනාලාභී පුද්ගල තුන්කට්ටුවක් රට ගිනි තබයි
An investigation of the leaflet campaign that followed the death of Gangodawila Soma Thera, which claimed that Ravaya was funded by American churches to attack three ‘Buddhist leaders’: Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, the Public Trustee Sarath Seneviratne and Telecom chairman Thilanga Sumathipala. The piece traces who produced and paid for the leaflets and the ‘Bodu Handa’ newspaper, and argues that the aim was to inflame religious feeling to shield men facing corruption and criminal charges.
රට කාලකන්නි කිරීමට ඉඩ නොදෙමු
A New Year editorial warning that a religious rift is being added to Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. Recalling Lee Kuan Yew’s use of Sri Lanka as the example of a failed state, it traces how caste, religion and language disputes each divided the country in turn and asks whether the majority will once again follow a small extremist minority, as in July 1983.
Will a Parliamentary Election be a Solution to the Problem?
Victor Ivan evaluates whether holding a parliamentary general election will resolve the political deadlock between the President and the Prime Minister. Using electoral data under Sri Lanka’s Proportional Representation system, Ivan projects that neither a PA-JVP alliance nor the UNF can win an absolute parliamentary majority on its own. Consequently, any future government will be forced to rely on Tamil representatives from the North and East—most notably the LTTE-backed TNA—to form a majority. Ivan warns that this creates a severe governance paradox: a government reliant on LTTE-aligned MPs for its survival would struggle to credibly negotiate peace with the LTTE while maintaining public trust, ultimately leading to an even deeper political stalemate than before.
Towards A Solution
In this article, Victor Ivan analyzes the constitutional deadlock resulting from President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s takeover of three cabinet ministries, arguing that the crisis stems from structural flaws in a system where executive power and parliamentary control belong to opposing parties. Ivan critiques Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe for attempting to sideline the Executive President and leveraging the peace process primarily to fuel his own 2005 presidential ambitions. The author notes the irony in the President now calling for independent commissions and state media oversight—reforms the Prime Minister failed to enact earlier—while demanding an equal seat at the table in peace negotiations. Ultimately, Ivan asserts that the only way to avert national catastrophe is to establish a bipartisan power-sharing agreement that includes the President in decision-making on peace.
නඩුත් හාමුදුරුවන්ගෙ බඩුත් හාමුදුරුවන්ගෙ
Ivan examines the Chief Justice’s disclosure to the Daily Mirror that the President took a second, secret oath before him in November 2000, arguing the constitution requires no such oath for a second term, as J.R. Jayewardene’s delayed 1983 swearing-in shows, and that it serves to extend her term to 2006. Further sections criticise her new media task force, contrasting her unkept 1994 promises with the Wickremesinghe government’s repeal of criminal defamation and draft Freedom of Information Act, and argue the Prime Minister lost ground by leaving the judiciary unreformed.
What must happen
In this article, Victor Ivan addresses the major constitutional crisis triggered by President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s unilateral takeover of three key government ministries—including the Defense Ministry—while Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was abroad. Ivan characterizes the President’s actions as an immoral, well-planned “constitutional coup,” while simultaneously criticizing the Prime Minister and cabinet for sabotaging political co-habitation by attempting to marginalize the President while willingly cooperating with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. Warning that the deadlock threatens both the national economy and the peace process, Ivan asserts that the crisis cannot be solved through street protests or snap elections. Instead, he argues that the crisis must serve as a catalyst for a bipartisan agreement on structural constitutional reforms, electoral changes, and the revitalization of independent commissions.
අන්තර් පාලන ගැටලුව
India’s view that any interim administration for the North and East must be linked to a final settlement matches the SLFP’s position. The editorial notes that apart from the JVP and Sihala Urumaya all parties and India favour an interim administration, expects the LTTE to open with a confederal demand in the hope of a better bargain, and argues that it can be brought down to a federal model only if the state argues strongly for one, with safeguards for eastern Muslims and Sinhalese.
පොලති හා යහපත් ආණ්ඩුකරණය
The editorial welcomes the retirement of Inspector General of Police Anandarajah after he was denied an extension, following protests over his attendance at a drug dealer’s daughter’s birthday party. It doubts this signals any real commitment by the President to good governance, citing her protection of the Chief Justice and of presidential security officers, and criticises the government and Interior Minister John Amaratunga for defending the IGP and staying silent on the Public Trustee and the Telecom chairman.
ටෝනි නිදහස ලැබීම
Tony Fernando has been freed after serving the one-year sentence for contempt imposed by a bench headed by the Chief Justice, telling supporters his only offence was reading a constitutional provision in court. Ivan alleges the Chief Justice orchestrated the assault on him in prison. Further sections report Param Cumaraswamy’s Colombo lectures criticising the Bar Association under Ananda Wijesekera, a Dinakara article defending the Chief Justice by Nelson Perera, and new evidence of Tilanga Sumathipala’s links with Dhammika Amarasinghe.
නීතියේ පාලනය කථාවට පමණද?
The piece notes that the IGP attended a drug dealer’s birthday party, the Telecom and Cricket Board chairman Tilanga Sumathipala is accused of close links with contract killer Dhammika Amarasinghe, the Public Trustee took a bribe, and the Chief Justice faces impeachment charges, yet none has stepped down. Sections detail Sumathipala’s alleged role in sending Amarasinghe to the 1999 World Cup on a false passport, Dinakara’s use of religion to shield him, the IGP’s explanation, and the rivalry between Anura Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunga.