What Can Happen?

May 1, 2004
Publication:
Reading the April 2004 election result, Victor Ivan opens with a fable of three fish: the green fish stripped of its dominance by a blue-and-red alliance, and the victors fused into one distorted creature, the red fish triumphant but immobilised by the half of the blue fish it cannot finish swallowing. Beneath the allegory he argues that a real change has begun — the system in which either main party's turn in office amounted to an official permit to plunder public property may not survive the JVP's new strength. But he judges the JVP's positions on the economy and the ethnic question neither progressive nor practical: it accepts decentralisation while rejecting devolution, when only maximum devolution can settle the war, and its coercive route to constitutional change invites Prabhakaran to conclude that a minority may also impose its way. With the SLFP reduced to a dwarf and both leaders' ambitions evaporating, Ivan proposes an all-party interim administration on an agreed reform programme.

Although the blue colored fish was three times as big as the red colored fish, it was the red colored fish who had youthfulness and dynamism. These two kinds of fish got together and set up an alliance for the purpose of doing away with the dominance of the green colored fish.   

Though the green colored fish was bigger than even the blue colored fish, it may be said that it, the green colored fish was a kanaya fish, with the grand appearance of a lula fish. It was proud about its size but had no capacity to know what might happen. Although the strength of the green colored fish depended on the water, it lived a greater time with its body out of the water. An instant attack made by the blue and red fish together inflicted grave damage on the green colored fish and deprived it of its dominance.   

After this great struggle waged in the turbulent waters, the two victorious fish turned into a single fish of distorted shape. Half the body of the blue colored fish was inside the belly of the red colored fish. In a condition in which the red colored fish had swallowed half the blue colored fish, the red colored fish was in a triumphant but imprisoned position and consequently in a position in which it could not become active again until it could swallow the rest of its victim and finish digesting it.   

The blue colored fish too is in a position in which half its body is swallowed by the red colored fish and is therefore in a state of imprisonment, and is unable to enjoy its victory over the green colored fish. find themselves, will both of them be destroyed by an attack from the green colored fish?.   

Perhaps in a scenario different from all this, the wounds caused to the green colored fish will rot and cause its destruction, and the red colored fish too will get destroyed due to its failure to digest the remaining half. Perhaps in a scenario different from that too, the blue colored fish might get destroyed by the red colored fish, and the green colored fish too might die attacked by the red colored fish.   

However the blue colored fish thinks that, due to its large size, the red colored fish cannot swallow it and can only vomit it out. The blue colored fish believes that, although the red colored fish has swallowed half its body (the body of the blue fish) and although consequently the head side of the red colored fish is rendered inactive, the blue colored fish is at an advantage. Will the red colored fish be able to swallow the whole of the blue colored fish, half of which it has already swallowed?. Or, in a context in which the red colored fish is not giving up the part which it has swallowed, will it so happen that the half of the blue colored fish which is inside the belly of the red colored fish will get dissolved in the belly?.   

In this struggle, there is a fish watching from the sidelines, one that waged a struggle of an extremely violent form for its regional autonomy and has been able to win in that struggle to a great extent though not officially. It is not clear what that fish plans to do.   

Whatever weal or woe might result in the country, in the short term, from this election result, which has turned the SLFP in to a dwarf and the JVP in to a giant, it may be said that a profound change in the entire political structure of the country has commenced. Although the existing political system was democratic in appearance, its essence was plunderous. A set up prevailed in the country in which the assumption of political power by one of the two main parties was an official permit to plunder the common property of the country. Every party, when it came to power, plundered the public wealth like a gang of plunderers. The law did not act against them. However, it may be presumed that, due to the power given to the JVP, it might be possible to effect a profound change in the plunderous nature of the entire political culture which had existed.   

Although the activity of the JVP is likely to bring about a beneficial change in the field of public property, ideas held by the JVP in regard to economic management and the management of the ethnic crisis do not appear to be progressive or practical. If the JVP sticks firmly to its own ideas on those matters and goes on to control the policies of the government to suit that purpose, then there is a danger of the country entering a state of chaos..   

The JVP does not like devolution of power although it is agreeable to decentralization. However, a peaceful solution to the war may be affected not by a policy of decentralizing power, but by a policy of maximum devolution of power. If the government fails to start negotiations on the interim proposals that have been submitted, and to set up a system of interim administration acceptable to the LTTE, then they might be pushed towards action to achieve that purpose, and they might finally be compelled to go to war again.   

Although a system which controls inequalities caused by the open economy might be appropriate, there is no possibility of giving up the system of open economy in its entirety and of adopting a mixed economy. An attempt to proceed to such a system might lead to very destructive results.   

Although it is essential to change the constitution, the method chosen for the purpose is coercive. Prabhakaran too might be pushed to a position of thinking that he also can have his way, if a minority can change the constitution outside the accepted method.   

Although in the present context the JVP and the SLFP have got together and have been able to defeat the UNF, the SLFP and the JVP have found it more difficult to act in agreement than to overcome the challenge of getting the numbers for a majority strength. The President’s prime desire was to change the existing political system with the support of the JVP in order to prevent her invalidations on completing her second term of office. However, according to the election results that have come, it will not be easy to achieve that aim, and the JVP also does not appear likely to support the President in the way she needs for that purpose.   

At present the leader of the defeated UNP too is in as great a mess as the President. In the same way as the President wanted to maintain her position through abolishing the system which would cause invalidation of her political survival, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s intention was to invalidate the President through maintenance of the system, and to become President himself. At present both their desires are vaporizing. Although the UNP has not sustained as much damage as the SLFP, the UNP will be able to overcome the debility caused by the defeat only if that party can be subjected to a massive transformation.   

It will not be easy at all for the SLFP and the JVP to function together. On the other hand it is not possible for the SLFP to dispense with the JVP and to join with the UNP and form a government. The only way to avoid the impending impasse even to some extent is for all the parties represented in parliament to agree to a common program for reforms that would benefit the country, and to form an all-party temporary administration for a limited period. Such an administration will be able to carry forward the peace talks and to reach a consensus for democratic reforms and to make the necessary legislation for the purpose.  

Such an administration will be able to carry forward the peace talks and to reach a consensus for democratic reforms and to make the necessary legislation for the purpose. Only such a program will be able to continue the economic activity of the country without a breakdown.