වැටත් නියරත් ගොයම් කා නම් කාට කියන්න ද?

The editorial argues that before bringing Prabhakaran under the law, the President, cabinet and Supreme Court must themselves respect the Constitution. It lists the caretaker government’s pay rises, regularisations, a Rs 1,000 million handout through divisional secretariats and use of state media, faults the Elections Commissioner’s inaction, and contrasts the Supreme Court’s past orders on free elections with its current dismissal of petitions under the Chief Justice.

17 වැනි සංශෝධනය නොසලකා ක්‍රියා කිරීම

Ivan argues that state officials and institutions must stay neutral in elections, which the 17th Amendment was meant to guarantee. He lists the caretaker government’s pay rises, regularisation of casual staff and teacher promotions, the IGP’s refusal to reverse post-dissolution police transfers and the partisan conduct of state media, and says that such wilful breaches by a President who controls both the police and state media would alone justify impeachment and expose officials to prosecution.

17th Amendment aimed to stop malpractice

At an election a private person or a private institution may help whichever party it likes. A government official or a government institution has no such right: their duty is to be politically silent and inactive and let the people elect the government they want.

ව්‍යවස්ථාව උල්ලංඝණය කරන සියලු දෙනා නීතිය ඉදිරියට ගෙනා යුතු ය

The editorial accuses the caretaker government of obstructing the 17th Amendment’s election provisions through mass recruitment, police transfers and promotions for teachers who would serve as polling officers. It notes that the Inspector General of Police has refused the Elections Commissioner’s order to cancel transfers and that state media ignore his directions, and demands that all who violate the Constitution be punished.

මෙවරත් නීතියක් නැති ඡන්දයක් ද?

After the dissolution of Parliament, the caretaker People’s Alliance government raised public sector pay, cut the defence levy, made casual workers permanent and recruited in bulk, all of which Ivan says count as bribery under election law. He warns that the government is heading for a ruthless election whatever the 17th Amendment says, and faults the opposition for not pressing the Elections Commissioner to use his new powers from the day of dissolution.

බලතල නැතැයි කීමේ හැකියාවක් දැන් මැතිවරණ කොමසාරිස්ට නැත

The editorial notes that, pending an Elections Commission, the 17th Amendment gives its powers to the Elections Commissioner, including control of police on election duty and the power to take over partisan state bodies. It calls on him to stop misuse of state resources and state media, to collect the asset declarations of candidates that have never been obtained, and to ensure a free and fair election.

ව්‍යවස්ථා සභාව ඉදිරියේ ඇති අභියෝග

Ivan says the new Constitutional Council must win public trust through its conduct, not merely by filling vacancies. He notes gaps in its powers, criticises the retention of incumbent commission secretaries and the Bribery Commission’s Director General, points to conflicts of interest at the Human Rights Commission, Attorney General’s and Elections offices, and argues that the Council should keep the impeached Chief Justice away from judicial and administrative work while it appoints the Judicial Service Commission.

යුක්තියේ දෙවොල ගිනි ගනී

Ivan argues that judicial reform must come first and that a Judicial Service Commission reshuffled under the 17th Amendment will change nothing while the discredited Chief Justice stays. He traces magistrate Lenin Ratnayake’s career from an insurance-claim fraud at the Insurance Corporation, through patronage into the judiciary, to two rape allegations upheld by an inquiry committee, and accuses Sarath N. Silva, as Attorney General, of shielding his relative.